:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair, and members of the committee.
This is the third or fourth time I've been to committee, as I recall. It's always a pleasure. Thank you for the invitation to speak.
As you're aware, joining me today are Ian Shugart, my deputy minister, and Michael Martin, who is our ambassador on climate change.
I will address with the committee, first, the supplementary estimates (B), and second, in the time we have, other issues. My officials are prepared to remain afterwards to respond to questions, which I know the committee members will have, relative to the details of the supplementary estimates.
This has been a pivotal year for this portfolio at Environment Canada and also for Parks Canada and the Canadian Environmental Assessment Agency. We are making progress on major files.
For Environment Canada, the $34 million in supplementary requests arise from, first, $25.2 million to support the regulatory activities under the clean air regulatory agenda, which we can speak to; $6.4 million to modernize six Environment Canada laboratories and wildlife centres as part of the initiatives under the economic action plan; $5 million to support the Mackenzie gas project in the NWT; and $3.1 million to help implement the Canada-United States clean energy dialogue.
Environment Canada is also facing reductions amounting to some $8 million related to updated estimates of moneys needed for things such as the assessment, management, and remediation of contaminated sites that are under Environment Canada's control.
The supplementary requisition for Parks Canada of $13.1 million arises from a number of measures: $9 million for the assessment, management, and remediation of federal contaminated sites; and $3 million for programs to advertise Canada's national parks during this important year for Canadian tourism as we welcome the world to Canada's Olympic Games.
The Canadian Environmental Assessment Agency has a supplementary requisition in the amount of $215,000 to support the Mackenzie gas project in the Northwest Territories.
[Translation]
Mr. Chair, I referred to this as a pivotal year for Environment Canada, Parks Canada and the Canadian Environmental Assessment Agency. The spending included in these supplementary estimates will push ahead several of the important projects on which we have been gathering momentum since I last met with the committee in February.
I would like to remind the committee of the important progress already made this past year on a number of fronts. Last April, we announced a notice of intent to regulate vehicle tailpipe emissions under CEPA. We will regulate in a manner that is equivalent to U.S. fuel economy standards for the 2011 model year and match U.S. tailpipe standards for the 2012-2016 model years. The result is a set of ambitious standards that are harmonized in North America with the United States.
A significant achievement this year was that Parliament gave unanimous consent to the expansion of the Nahanni National Park Reserve to six times its previous size—a contiguous protected area that is about the size of Belgium. This is in addition to the six additional wildlife areas that we will create in the Northwest Territories.
[English]
Another example is the action on waste water. For four years, Environment Canada worked with provincial and territorial governments to develop a Canada-wide strategy on the management of municipal waste water effluent. Last February, ministers approved this Canada-wide strategy. Federal regulations under the Fisheries Act will set national performance standards, timelines, and monitoring and reporting requirements.
We've also made progress in our efforts to extend protection of the polar bear population in the Arctic. Earlier this year, shortly after becoming the minister, I hosted a national round table on polar bears. In October, following that and at the recommendation of the round table, we signed an agreement with Greenland, and last month the Canada-United States polar bear oversight committee met. All along we have seen an unprecedented level of effort from aboriginal peoples and all levels of government to conserve and manage polar bear populations in Canada, particularly those we share with Greenland.
This year we've also made significant progress on the world-leading chemicals management plan, which we introduced in 2006. In total we have published a proposed risk management approach for 29 substances found to be potentially harmful to human health and/or the environment.
Mr. Chairman, as one more example, I would cite the new Environmental Enforcement Act, passed last June, which increases fines and provides new enforcement tools. I'm also looking forward to working with this committee on the important review of the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act, which is scheduled to start next year. I know that many members of the committee have points of view on this. I also look forward to receiving your report on the review of SARA, which the committee began last spring.
I think it's fair to say, Mr. Chairman, when it comes to the environment portfolio, the top-of-mind concern for the committee and for Canadians is climate change.
Last week the United States President announced a reduction target of minus 17% of their 2005 base by 2020. The Canadian policy for the past two years has been reductions of minus 20% of the 2006 Canadian base by 2020. These targets are virtually identical, and we will make whatever minor adjustments are necessary to make them identical, ultimately with the same baseline.
To achieve real environmental and economic benefits for Canadians, we have been acting on three different tracks--domestic, continental, and international. On the domestic track, we will continue to invest in green technology and R and D, and will introduce a regulatory system for our industries that is harmonized with that of the United States.
As part of our commitment to a North American cap and trade system, we will continue to work together with the United States in that regard.
Our country is also committed to the goal of having 90% of Canada's electricity provided by non-emitting sources such as hydro, nuclear, clean coal, or wind power by 2020.
This continental approach includes such initiatives as the clean energy dialogue as well as the harmonization of our measures with those of our neighbour and our largest trading partner.
I am also pleased to report that a month or so ago, at the WILD9 conference in Mexico, Canada signed a historic agreement with the United States and Mexico to build resilient, well-connected networks of protected areas as a legacy for the future.
[Translation]
On the international level, we will remain a full and effective partner in the multilateral negotiations. The United Nations climate change conference in Copenhagen, which begins next week, provides a historic opportunity to achieve a global consensus on a fair, environmentally effective and comprehensive climate change agreement.
In Canada's view, this agreement should include comparable economy-wide emission reduction commitments by developed countries for the 2013-2021 period. It should include significant mitigation actions by the major developing countries, led by China. A Copenhagen agreement should enhance global action to assist the poorest and most vulnerable countries to adapt to the adverse effects of climate change.
At the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting this past weekend, the joined with other leaders to underline their firm political commitment to a successful outcome in Copenhagen. They endorsed the establishment, as part of a comprehensive agreement, of a fund of up to $10 billion per year by 2012 to support adaptation in the most vulnerable countries, research, development and deployment of clean technologies, and action to reduce deforestation in developing countries.
[English]
Mr. Chairman, I would, in closing, just like to also briefly touch on a speech that was recently given by the Leader of the Opposition, in which he listed—
The Chair: Mr. McGuinty on a point of order.
The Leader of the Opposition listed his party's agenda on the environment. While much of what is on that list are initiatives that the government has already taken action on, there lies a danger in Leader of the Opposition's thinking that I'd like to draw your attention to. It is germane to what is happening right now, at Copenhagen and elsewhere.
The Leader of the Opposition reinforces this government's strategy for a national cap and trade system that will include absolute caps, put a price on carbon, and be structured so it can be harmonized with a future United States system. However, the Liberal leader at the same time has adopted the European baseline of 1990 rather than the North American targets that have been adopted by both this government and the Obama administration. Throughout the speech, the Leader of the Opposition indicated the need for harmonization with the United States, but insisted on diverting from the North American targets that both countries have identified, which are virtually identical and would permit harmonization.
The Liberal leader has called for a clean energy act that would adopt the toughest vehicle emissions in North America. I think this is one where I believe the leader of the Liberal Party does not appreciate the importance of harmonizing our standards with those of the United States. Our economies are integrated, and our environments are integrated as well. We need to harmonize our regulatory approaches.
Our goal should be to integrate with the national standards of the United States--not to try to implement the toughest standards on the continent, but rather to have a harmonized North American standard. We need regulations that keep our borders open to trade and encourage a North American-wide approach to addressing climate change.
Mr. Chairman, we will continue to work with the United States towards a common North American approach for regulating greenhouse gas emissions from vehicles, which will benefit the environment, industry, and consumers.
It is crucial that a plan for the environment take into consideration Canada's entire geographic, economic, and industrial realities. To ignore them would lead to continental isolation and economic hardships--two things that this government will not allow.
When we meet again, I believe we'll be able to point to further examples of how, in this pivotal time for the environment and the economy, Canada has made real progress.
I welcome the committee's questions.
:
Right.
Voyons donc, as they say.
Mr. Minister, the Waxman-Markey bill, which was introduced less than five months ago in the American Senate, is a 1,428-page plan for the United States.
I've done a complete search of that bill, sir, and there's not a single reference to the word “Canada” in 1,428 pages.
To my knowledge, there's not a single reference to the word “Mexico” in 1,428 pages.
Sir, we've had 33 witnesses come to this committee and speak to us on Bill , which is linked to your energy dialogue in supplementary estimates (B) because you keep talking about a dialogue. We've asked all 33 witnesses on Bill C-311 whether they have in their possession a plan, have seen a plan, could share a plan. Thirty-two of those witnesses have categorically stated there is no plan.
The only witness who has stated there's a plan was your employee, who came here and said that one-page statement was a plan--
:
Terrific. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Minister, at least three American Senate committees are completely and utterly seized with this bill, with the United States plan. It's an extremely detailed plan. Allocation, energy efficiency, technology, targets, carbon pricing--it's there.
I need to understand, and Canadians need to understand, that the plan--and I quote--“To create clean energy jobs, achieve energy independence, reduce global warming pollution and transition to a clean energy economy”, is the American plan.
Canadians need to know: why it is that we have no plan?
You once said publicly you're a negotiator. Well, I'm a former corporate lawyer and negotiator, and I never recall entering negotiations without a plan. I never recall negotiating from a blank sheet of paper.
The Mexican government, sir, has 86 specific goals in a climate change plan tabled in June. That's 86 specific goals on how they'll slow the growth of carbon emissions now at about 700 megatonnes a year.
By my accounting, that is about 85 more specific goals than you have. The only thing you keep repeating is that you have a target of 20% by 2020, but you have absolutely no plan to backstop that.
Can you help us understand? Is the United States going to factor in Canada's environment and Canada's economy as they design their plan through this bill? Are they going to be looking at the Mexican situation, sir?
How are we supposed to believe that we're supposed to wait for the 1,428-page plan before we can go here, ourselves, in Canada?
:
I think there's a question in there somewhere. I can't speak to the honourable member's experience as a lawyer, what he might have experienced negotiating, what he did, or how he comported himself.
There is a Canadian plan. We are approaching this. You referred to the previous testimony of an “employee” of mine, to use your words. Michael Martin is not an employee of mine. He is Canada's climate change ambassador, and he is one of the most respected people in the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Canadian civil service.
Mr. David McGuinty: No doubt, sir; no doubt.
Hon. Jim Prentice: I think he was quite clear, in his testimony with you, in outlining the position that Canada has put forward at Copenhagen relative to our mid-term emission reduction commitments and the approach that we are taking in going about that. I'm happy to come back to that and to walk through it with you.
As for legislative developments in the United States, just to clarify a couple of points that you made, the Senate committee is not seized with the Waxman-Markey bill, as you indicated. The Waxman-Markey legislation was passed in the U.S. House of Representatives. The legislation that has been put before the Senate is entirely different. It is the Kerry-Boxer bill, and it is quite a different piece of legislation. I don't know if you've actually read Waxman-Markey or not. I have. You might want to focus your attention on Kerry-Boxer, because it is the current state of play in the United States.
That piece of legislation proposed a cap and trade system. It is unclear at this point whether it will pass the United States Senate. It is unclear when it will pass the United States Senate. It is unclear what form it may take.
In addition, with respect to the United States and our desire to harmonize, as this relates to our trade-exposed industrial sector, which comprises the base of the Canadian economy, there's also action being undertaken in the U.S. by the Environmental Protection Agency--
:
I will respond in English, if I may.
[English]
There certainly has been a great deal of work done with the provinces. You referred to a common front. Certainly, as you are aware, in order to prepare for Copenhagen, I've met with every single premier and every single environment minister over the close of the summer, in essentially face-to-face discussions.
My sense, based on that, is that there is actually quite a degree of commonality among Canadian provinces relative to climate change. I think there's a general acceptance that there is a need for a national climate change approach, one that respects the jurisdictions and roles of the provinces. There is a view that the approach should be fair and equitable and that there should be credit for early action. In particular, it should be an approach that is harmonized with the United States.
I think it's fair to say that this was something that was mentioned to me by every single premier with whom I met, the importance of harmonizing our efforts relative to greenhouse gases on a continental basis. Of course, that's entirely consistent with the government's policy objectives. Our approach to climate change must be harmonized on a continental basis.
Frankly, the concern that we have with Bill is that it does exactly the opposite. Bill proposes targets that are entirely discordant with the United States, making it extremely difficult--if not impossible--to implement on a North American basis. We are talking about a continentalized cap and trade system that involves absolute emission reductions, not intensity targets.
So to correct you, there is no suggestion that we are talking about the kinds of intensity targets that you might have seen in Turning the Corner. We are speaking about a cap and trade system.
Thank you, Mr. Minister, for coming. We were advised that you would not be available. I very much appreciate you adjusting your schedule to accede to our request.
Mr. Minister, I'm going to ask you a couple of questions together, and then you can give me a fulsome reply.
Do you support the principle that federal environmental standards should be founded in science? I'd like just a yes or no to that, but I have a couple of questions that go with that.
We heard from a number of senior scientists, Canadian scientists, including scientists working for your own department. Overall, probably 100%, their testimony was that they stood by the international panel targets and the need to address those. We also heard from quite a number of scientists, including the scientist who prepared the report commissioned by the federal government, talking about the impacts we're already seeing in Canada, the impacts we may in the future see from climate change, and specific impacts to agriculture, the north, and so forth. Given that, it's all the more necessary that we stick to the international targets.
You've spoken a lot about the need to harmonize. I know this common refrain from Alberta, because I hear this all the time from the Alberta government, that they need to balance the environment and the economy. Given my first question about making sure that our standards are founded in solid science, I wonder where the environment is in these targets.
Coupled with that, as a minister of the crown and as an officer of the Government of Canada, you take your responsibilities very seriously, I know, and I appreciate that, but I wonder how you would rationalize your clear intent to violate the internationally binding targets under Kyoto. I wonder if the blockage in meeting the more necessary science-founded targets is the insistence by Alberta to stabilize at 58% above the 1990 levels.
:
That's a long question, but I'll do my best to respond.
Firstly, I am not a scientist; as you know, I'm a lawyer, as are you. But I'm a passionate believer in science and I'm a passionate believer in empiricism as the basis of sound public policy. I spoke about a month ago to all the employees of Environment Canada in an open forum and emphasized exactly that, that their responsibility as scientists is to produce results based on observation and analysis that has integrity. The integrity of science is extremely important; we all succumb simply to orthodoxy in its absence.
So from my perspective, yes, science is important, and our positions relative to climate change need to be based on science. Canada has been quite clear in this regard. I was personally quite clear in saying early on in the major economies forum, struck by President Obama, that we should be embracing the concept that we should limit emissions to a temperature increase of two degrees above pre-industrial levels, that this should be the target that we agree on. Of course, in the time that has followed, the G-8 has taken exactly that approach, as has the Commonwealth, and certainly that's the basis of what's taking place at the UNFCCC.
There are a number of things implicit within that if you adopt that science. One is the recognition that, in the developed world, emissions must have either peaked or be peaking quite quickly and beginning a downward trajectory. I think it's fair to say that's happening, but there's also the requirement that in the developing world we need to see significant abatement of what are projected to be the business-as-usual emissions.
Stated simply, the problem with the Kyoto Protocol is twofold. Firstly, the Americans did not ratify it--
:
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Minister, I want to thank you for being here. You've already been thanked, but not a lot of people realize how busy you are. I do. I realize you had to adjust your very busy schedule.
The committee has been listening to witnesses on Bill , the NDP bill. We heard from every witness that the approach to having a continental, harmonized North American approach was bang on. They all recommended that. There was discussion on the targets, and if you accept a harmonized continental approach, is it realistic to have different targets from the U.S.?
We heard from industry with our last group of witnesses that it could kill our economy, particularly our economic recovery. Everybody said harmonized approach.
I would like you to share a little bit of what has happened since the visit to Canada by President Obama, meeting with our . What has happened since that February visit? Things have changed. There's been a lot of progress. I'm particularly interested in the priority of developing and deploying clean energy technologies. Canada is really excited about what we're doing on carbon capture and storage. Could you elaborate a little bit on that?
The other priority is building a more efficient electricity grid based on cleaner renewable generation and expanding clean energy research and development. How important is that?
These are all important to the world. When I was in Copenhagen five weeks ago and in Berlin a year and a half ago, we heard how the world is depending on Canada to develop and commercialize carbon capture and storage. We are a world leader.
Per capita, what kind of contribution is Canada making compared to the rest of the world in some of these incredible technologies the world is relying on? How important is having a harmonized approach, and what is happening? Could you update us on that?
Let me deal with that in a couple of ways. I will come to the clean energy dialogue. As you know, at the last visit on the part of the and me and Minister Cannon and others to Washington, the Secretary of Energy in the United States, Steven Chu, and I provided a report detailing what has been done under the clean energy dialogue.
Let me go back to the essential issue of whether the targets and the approach that Canada is following are sufficiently ambitious. I know that this committee has been wrestling with Bill and will continue to, and I would just emphasize that given the structure of our economy, our climate, our geography, and the nature of our industrial base, we need to have targets that are aligned with our major trading partner and we need an approach, as represented by the clean energy dialogue, that is aligned with our major trading partner.
If you look at what's taken place around the world in terms of the targets that other countries are agreeing to, Canada's target is, in fact, very ambitious. Our 2020 target is to reduce emissions by 20% by 2020 from a 2006 baseline. If you compare that to President Obama's provisional target—and it is provisional upon Senate action in the United States, and provisional on an international binding agreement that applies to all major emitters—the United States is talking about minus 17%. So we are consistent.
If you look at what the European Union is proposing, their targets are equivalent, essentially, to minus 14% from a 2005 level. So again the targets that we are talking about in Canada are quite consistent.
What Bill puts forward is the notion that Canada would double our reduction targets for 2020 to what is essentially minus 39% below 2005. If our country did that—and I caution the members of the committee on this, because I know you're dealing with this bill—our target would be completely out of line with the targets of all of the other major industrial democracies with whom we compete. This could be done only at an exceedingly high economic cost that is completely out of line with the cost that other countries have found to be acceptable.
If you look even at the most recent Pembina Institute-David Suzuki report, they quantified the cost as being up to 3.2% of GDP. Look at the analysis in the United States. What the United States is prepared to take on as an economic cost is something in the order of 1% of GDP. The European Union targets are in the order of 1% of GDP. All of this is chronicled and detailed in economic analyses in those jurisdictions.
What's being proposed in Bill —the committee needs to know this before you vote on it—is that Canada would take on economic costs that no other industrial country is taking on at the climate change table in Copenhagen. So be careful with this. These targets are completely incompatible with the principles of U.S. harmonization, with which, frankly, everyone I speak with in this country is, broadly speaking, in accord.
All of the premiers support this. All of the environment ministers are consistently talking about the importance of harmonization with the United States, not damaging our economy. Industry is in agreement, and the ENGOs have been in agreement with how we go about that. So that's a caution on that.
In terms of the clean energy dialogue, my friend points out that carbon capture and storage is a critical part of this. We are working together with the United States on carbon capture and storage, the definition and building of a smart grid for the electricity system. These are two extremely important initiatives.
Carbon capture and storage holds the promise of reducing emissions from coal-burning thermal plants. In the next 25 years there will be over 2,000 new coal-burning thermal plants built on the planet--that's 2,000. Some of those will replace existing stock, but reducing our emissions into the atmosphere is largely about constraining coal emissions. CCS is the only known technology that can reduce those emissions, and Canada should lead the way.
And on a per capita basis, no one in the world is investing more in carbon capture and storage than the Canadian federal and provincial governments together.
:
We are back in order. We're moving on to our second panel of people from the Department of the Environment.
We have Basia Ruta, the assistant deputy minister and chief financial officer, who is no stranger here; Cynthia Wright, acting assistant deputy minister for environmental stewardship; and Mike Beale, who is the acting associate assistant to the deputy minister. Michael Keenan is not here, but he'll be joining us. He is the assistant deputy minister for strategic policy.
From the Canadian Environmental Assessment Agency we have Daniel Nadeau, who is the director general of corporate services, and from Parks Canada Agency we have Céline Gaulin, who is from the office of the chief administrative officer.
Welcome, all of you, to the table.
Before we start off, I like to always remind committee members that when we have public servants at the table, we want to pay particular attention to the rules. I'll quote from O'Brien and Bosc, page 1068, chapter 20:
Particular attention is paid to the questioning of public servants. The obligation of a witness to answer all questions put by the committee must be balanced against the role that public servants play in providing confidential advice to their Ministers. The role of the public servant has traditionally been viewed in relation to the implementation and administration of government policy, rather than the determination of what that policy should be. Consequently, public servants have been excused from commenting on the policy decisions made by the government. In addition, committees ordinarily accept the reasons that a public servant gives for declining to answer a specific question or series of questions which involve the giving of a legal opinion, which may be perceived as a conflict with the witness' responsibility to the Minister, which are outside of their own area of responsibility, or which might affect business transactions.
I just ask that everyone keep that in mind. I will be excusing witnesses from making those types of comments.
With that, I'll kick it off with a five-minute round, starting with Mr. Scarpaleggia.
When talking about the 20% reduction by 2020 from 2006 levels, we have to look at the issue of early adoption. We had a number of major industries in here in the last session—chemical companies, steel refineries, petroleum refineries—that indicated they've managed to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions by anything from 12% to, in the case of the chemical companies, almost 65% since 1990.
I asked how they thought they were going to be able to do on the 2006 reduction levels by 2020 and whether they were going to be able to hit the 20% reduction from 2006 levels given that, since 1990, they did as much reducing as they had for many different reasons and in many different ways.
They reached the low-hanging fruit on that and they indicated it was going to be much more difficult for them to hit the 20% reductions by 2020 from 2006 levels because the obvious things had very much been done early on from 1990 levels.
I asked them about the kind of support, guidance, encouragement, and direction they were being given from this government to help them reach those 20% reductions from 2006 levels by 2020. Their response was that it was not all that much.
As our chair mentioned, the public service is responsible for implementing policy. How are we doing on implementing the only policy the government seems to have, which is the target of 20% reductions from 2006 levels?
:
I can take that, Mr. Chair.
As the member is aware, with regard to the environmental damages fund more acts will now require payment into that fund when Bill is brought into force. We're aiming to bring that part of Bill C-16 into force in the spring of 2010. That will bring into force the changing of the actual fines and direction into the environmental damages fund, and some of the other measures that were passed as part of Bill C-16. The part that is yet to come is the part dealing with the creation of the alternative measures, which is another piece of legislation that has to be developed as part of that.
With respect to the funds that are in the supplementary estimates, there are some pieces of legislation that already direct funds into the environmental damages fund, notably under the Migratory Birds Convention Act. It's an authority that can be used under other acts, but the Migratory Birds Convention Act does direct to that fund.
This fund under supplementary estimates (B) is primarily for staffing people to improve the management of the fund. With the increase in fines and more acts using the environmental damages fund, we expect to have a larger fund to manage. This is to put the people in place and make sure they're trained to manage contribution agreements and to do marketing and awareness about it.
We're already doing a lot of work, not only with our own staff enforcement officers but with the judiciary in raising their awareness so that they are aware of what's coming in terms in higher fines and the direction into the environmental damages fund. The $150,000 is mostly directed at people and the training of those people.
This is a four-year funding and it will be ongoing past the four years at about a half-million dollars. The first four years is about $1.6 million. This is the beginning, for hiring the people, training them, etc. We'll be adding more people as we get to the ongoing level at about a half-million dollars.
:
Thank you, Mr. Woodworth. Time has just expired.
I want to thank all the witnesses for coming.
As you know, we've now considered the estimates. I don't see us having another meeting on this before it's deemed to be reported back because of our ongoing work on Bill C-311 next week....
Order! Order, guys; come on.
What I'd like to do is call the votes that are before us for consideration. You have the documents in front of you.
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Vote 1b—Operating expenditures..........$25,497,566
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Vote 5b—Capital expenditures..........$8,451,500
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Vote 10b—The grants listed in the Estimates and contributions..........$1,257,625
Canadian Environmental Assessment Agency
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Vote 15b—Program expenditures..........$215,250
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Vote 25b—Program expenditures..........$3,008,979
(Votes 1b, 5b, 10b, 15b, and 25b agreed to on division)
The Chair: Shall the chair report votes 1b, 5b, 10b, 15b, and 25b, under Environment, to the House?
Some hon. members: Agreed.
The Chair: Okay.
I have a notice of motion from Mr. Scarpaleggia.