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Let me bring to order the the sixth meeting of the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security.
I apologize to our witnesses for this 40-minute delay.
I propose, colleagues, that we give some extension of time to them. They made some considerable effort to be here, and I think we should honour their effort to be here to tell us what they are concerned about with respect to systemic racism in policing in Canada.
I will also mention that there is a subcommittee report to be presented. I'll propose doing that towards the end of the meeting.
With that, I will invite Professor Roach, faculty of law, University of Toronto, to speak; along with Melanie Omeniho, president, Women of the Métis Nation.
I'll ask them to speak for seven minutes in the order they are listed on the notice of meeting.
Professor Roach, you have seven minutes, please.
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Thank you very much, Mr. McKay, and thank you for inviting me.
I'm going to make seven concrete proposals to address systemic racism in policing.
First, collect and publicize race-based data. Although we know that the problem of systemic racism has been with us for a long time, we need statistics to measure whether it is getting better or worse in terms of both those accused of crime and crime victims. The RCMP especially should work with Statistics Canada to collect and publicize data.
Second, Parliament should regulate police practices. Parliament has, in the last 30 years, largely left this to the courts. In the U.K., Parliament proactively regulates police conduct and then ties that to the collection of statistics. In the U.K., for example, you know each year how many stops and searches have been made by police officers and who has been subject to stop and search.
Third, I would change the law of self-defence and use-of-force policies. Indigenous and racialized people and people with mental health issues are overrepresented among those killed and injured by the police. In 2012, Parliament liberalized the law of self-defence so that on paper it is broader than section 25 relating to police use of force. Parliament should make clear that reasonable self-defence cannot be based on racist fears, even if those are genuinely and subjectively held. We also need to revisit not only police use of force but also tactics and de-escalation.
Fourth, we should link policing with other social services and also make self-administered indigenous police agencies a priority and an essential service. We are asking the police to deal with intergenerational trauma, addictions and mental health issues. They should be required to work with other public and community agencies with more expertise and less coercive force. The number of indigenous police services has declined from 58 in 1992 to 36, whereas the number should be heading in the opposite direction. Such police services need resources and the freedom to work with others in the community, and hopefully to take over policing from the RCMP, OPP and the Sûreté.
Fifth, we must improve governance inside and outside of the RCMP. The seven-person Yukon Police Council, which has three first nations members and is chaired by the deputy minister of justice, is a model that you should look at closely. The RCMP, especially in its contract policing role, can no longer rely on top-down governance from a very busy Minister of Public Safety through to the commissioner. For example, Surrey is gaining much more local control over policing by opting out of contract policing. We need to find a way to have better local governance of the RCMP when it is involved with contract policing and also better governance of the RCMP overall. The new advisory committee is there to handle corporate risk, not to provide citizen input.
Sixth, we have to improve citizen complaints and review in general. As you know, the RCMP's review body is underfunded and underpowered as the ongoing travesty of not releasing the report on the RCMP's interaction with Colten Boushie's family illustrates. I really hope the RCMP's result is not released on a Friday afternoon or on a busy day. The RCMP act needs a fundamental rethink, and if that is not possible, then the federal agency should get out of the way and let the provincial agencies assume responsibility over police complaints and, as they have in many jurisdictions, assume jurisdiction over investigations.
Seventh and finally—this is probably the biggest ask—we need to abandon the paramilitary model of policing, which I believe is perhaps more entrenched in the RCMP than in any other police force. We need to move towards an educated, professional model. Police officers are educated professionals just like teachers, nurses and lawyers. They require continuous learning, hiring, specialization and easier licence suspension.
Right now we have a quasi-criminal disciplinary process. I fear that with the unionization of the RCMP, this will only become a more difficult instrument. Rightly, the police are educated professionals. They are paid as educated professionals, but they should also be subject to licence suspension just like teachers and lawyers are.
Thank you very much.
I represent the Métis Nation, one of the three distinct indigenous peoples in Canada. We have our own history, customs, laws, language, culture and tradition. Métis women are vibrant, strong, resilient and resourceful, and are the backbone of the Métis Nation. Les Femmes Michif Otipemisiwak, the organization I represent, is the voice of Métis women in Canada and across the homeland, which is Ontario, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta and British Columbia.
I'd like to remind the committee that today is a Métis day. It's the 135th anniversary of the hanging of Louis Riel , and it's today we honour. I'm honoured to be here today to present to you on this issue.
Discrimination is created and reinforced through government policies and practices. Canada has a long history of policies and practices that have institutionalized racism toward Métis women, girls and gender-diverse people. While the current government is working towards reconciliation, many discriminatory policies and practices still exist today and have not been addressed yet.
From 2001 to 2004, the Correctional Service of Canada released a series of research reports examining Métis men and women incarcerated in federal facilities in British Columbia and the prairie region.
As part of these studies, researchers surveyed the childhood and family experiences of offenders growing up. Most Métis respondents reported experiencing or witnessing violence and substance abuse in their homes and in their communities growing up. Most Métis respondents reported having family members involved in crime while they were growing up. Métis women continue to be one of the most at-risk groups in Canada for issues related to violence and continue to experience these conflict issues while also facing discrimination from police services.
For many Métis women, the circumstances leading to their involvement in the criminal justice system is the result of conflicting set of collective and individualized life circumstances, marked with systemic discrimination, silence and poverty.
Systemic racism in policing continues to exist because of the legislation, racism and policing practices that fail to recognize the full impact of the biases against Métis women.
One of the police practices that directly targets Métis men and women is carding. It has been proven by a multitude of studies that this practice targets racialized and marginalized communities disproportionately. The issue goes beyond carding though. The true reason is that Métis women are treated differently from other women within the system, and I continually hear how Métis women were targeted by police in many instances.
In their interactions with policing, Métis women are seen as a blemish on our society rather than a vibrant contributor to their nation and to who they are in their families and communities.
Police services in Canada refuse to recognize racial bias and racism as a problem in their practices and policies, and police are not required to record racial data in their reports, making it even more difficult for indigenous people and advocates to push for change within policing practices.
A complete re-education of the entire police system is required. This training must go beyond a tick box of cross-cultural training, but must cause the system and participants to fully examine their biases, both overt and unconscious.
Police services must develop a best practice protocol for their enforcement response to missing persons reports of Métis people, including steps that police should take upon receiving a missing persons report for any Métis person.
Along with the 62 calls for miskotahâ and our Métis perspectives in the missing and murdered indigenous women and girls report, the national inquiry had the following three recommendations specific to Métis people and policing:
17.12 We call upon police services to build partnerships with Métis communities, organizations, and people to ensure culturally safe access to police services.
17.13 We call upon police services to engage in education about the unique history and needs of [the] Métis communit[y].
17.14 We call upon police services to establish better communication with Métis communities and populations through representative advisory boards that involve Métis communities and address their needs.
Policing that builds trust with Métis communities is versed in Métis culture, is responsive to the distinct needs of Métis individuals, and is able to protect and meet the vulnerable Métis victims, which is so badly needed. Métis-specific policing holds the potential to address under-reporting, a particularly potent issue for Métis women; to protect Métis communities; and to reduce Métis overrepresentation in crime and victimization.
I appreciate and thank both of the witnesses for being here. I certainly wish—and I'm sure other members agree—that we had more time with you.
I just have a couple of questions, primarily for Mr. Roach.
I note that in a joint article on June 17, you said that RCMP independence should be defined in the RCMP Act. I just want to invite you to expand a little bit more on that and on the details.
Also, attached to that is the Brown report's recommendation of an independent oversight and complaints review commission, independent from the RCMP commissioner and the minister. Could you also expand on the concept of having an independent oversight and complaints review commission, why it is important, what the key components are and what the impact is?
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Thank you very much, Ms. Stubbs.
Defining police independence, I think, is important because, frankly, there's a degree of—how can I put this nicely—reticence for a minister to direct or send directives to the RCMP. Police independence has sometimes been overinflated to incorporate all kinds of operational independence, where I think the minister really should take more responsibility and issue public directives.
For the research I'm doing right now, I have submitted an access to information request for all ministerial directives to the RCMP. I have heard nothing for over three months. To me, all of these directives, minus any sensitive information, should be readily posted on the web.
With regard to police independence, we don't want the minister telling the RCMP to investigate Mr. X but not to investigate Mr. Y—or charge. However, with everything else, things like “Mr. Big” operations, which are a litigation magnet, I don't see any reason why the minister cannot say that from now on we're not going to do them, or we're only going to do them in these ways. I believe in democratic policing.
As for the Brown report, we need to think not just about oversight. I've already said that the existing RCMP complaints body is under-resourced and underpowered. It has no power to impose any sort of remedy, and frankly, most law faculties have three or four times the budget that it has. The people there are trying their best, but they're having to deal with or supervise complaints from coast to coast to coast.
I also think that we need a real police board for the RCMP. I think society now is more complex, and this idea that there's the minister here and the commissioner there and that somehow it all works out with the provinces and territories, I don't think is sufficient.
I also think we need to have the RCMP work with other parts of the federal government—Health, Indigenous Affairs and so on—to take a more whole-of-government approach to safety and security.
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I appreciate your comments. I also note your previous recommendations about the importance of civilian oversight and the democratization of the RCMP, as you touched on here. I think it's important in this context, because I note that the Prime Minister, the public safety minister, the justice minister, other members of this government, have said there is systemic racism in the RCMP. That's an extremely serious concern.
I happen to have a very close relative who has been a detachment assistant for more than four years. I know many front-line, dedicated officers and support staff who are good, and they're extremely frustrated. There are bad apples, as there are in every institution, and acts of racism must be stamped out and individuals who are racist must face full consequences.
However, it seems to me that if the Prime Minister and these ministers have made this indictment—and it looks like they might have pressured the RCMP commissioner into correcting her previous comments in saying the same thing—then where are the directives? Where is the concrete information and the facts and instructions from the minister to offer concrete solutions?
Would you like to expand on the importance of the transparency issue too, in terms of achieving outcomes and confidence in institutions among all Canadians?
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Thank you, Mr. Chair and colleagues.
Thanks to both of you for being here today.
I also want to acknowledge Louis Riel Day. It's a very important day in Canada.
Professor Roach, I'm going to start with you. Hopefully, I'll get some more time.
With respect to addressing issues of systemic racism, can you give us some good examples of other police departments or agencies that have addressed it? What concrete steps, apart from the seven you've identified, should the RCMP be taking?
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Well, I think it's very important to empower racialized people within the RCMP so that there are support groups. I know that's in the Toronto Police Service and the Ottawa Police Service, where groups of racialized police officers not only can mentor but can also respond to problems that they have within the organization. That's one thing.
The second thing is that I think we need to have consultative community committees, but we also need to realize that speaking to two or three people in one community is never enough, and we need to have town hall meetings. I think that in some cases the commissioner needs to listen—and I know she's very busy—but she also needs to have people within various communities who she can have a continuing relationship with, but who then can also take her to different communities in order to have a town hall.
Policing has to be democratic, and the commissioner has to realize that. As with any police chief, the police chief works for the board or, in this case, the commissioner works for the minister, and if it's not working out, then, as in all cases, it's maybe time to find someone who has a different vision.
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Well, I think that would be a huge step. I'm not necessarily opposed to it, but I don't think it's going to happen overnight, and, as you note, Surrey is coming up with its own police.
You can look at the Yukon Police Council. That's an example of where, within one territory, they have taken proactive democratic steps.
If you look at the 2019 Ontario legislation, the Community Safety and Policing Act, you see that Ontario has a detachment board for each OPP detachment and the first nations served by the Ontario Provincial Police. When we have these detachment boards, we also have to train those citizens who are serving in a democratic capacity so that they're not completely dominated by the detachment coordinator, but I think we need something like that.
I look at the RCMP Act and it is the least democratic policing act in Canada that I'm aware of. I think the Ontario act is actually much better on the democracy front.
Mr. Roach, thank you for joining us today.
You gave some other examples, including the measures taken in the United Kingdom.
To combat systemic racism in our institutions, specifically in the police, you feel that our involvement should be through legislation, including amendments to the use-of-force guidelines for the police. You also propose no longer using a top-down approach, where the governance comes from on high and moves downwards.
Can you tell us a little more about the legislative approach that the and his department should be adopting?
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Unfortunately, I wasn't getting the interpretation in my ear, but I think I followed you, although I may embarrass myself, and I beg your pardon if I do.
I do think that with a top-down sort of approach, when the came to you very recently on the mandate letter, I'm pretty sure he came with the heads of five or six different organizations. He has a huge portfolio, and I worry that this is beyond the capacity of any one human being. Maybe we need a minister for the RCMP, or maybe it should be taken out of Public Safety and put into some other ministry.
I think this is a real problem. We have a mammoth ministry, and we have the RCMP, which in itself has 20,000 people, some involved in contract policing, others involved in national policing. This is a huge issue, even before you get into the issues of corrections and CBSA. One of my concerns is that we're going to take the existing RCMP complaints and review body—which I think, of its own admission, is really struggling—and add CBSA to it. That's not necessarily going to make things better. I believe there are only two commissioners in that body, so I think it is important to recognize that the federal government has a huge presence.
If the federal government starts moving out of contract policing, I think it also has to think about recouping those funds, which are less, because the federal government is subsidizing contract policing a lot less, and I think that with unionization in the RCMP you're going to see more "Surreys”.
Obviously COVID has thrown a spanner into the works, but if there is a withdrawal from contract policing, I would hope that the federal government would use its spending power to incentivize all existing police forces to partner with other public agencies and community agencies less coercively and without discrimination, or with less discrimination, to deliver essential policing services. As my co-panellist has talked about, that would also involve victims of crime, which is also another huge issue.
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Honestly, there are many barriers to Métis women going into law enforcement. I do have some very good friends and allies who are Métis women.
By the way my grandfather's name is Cunningham. I know that's an aside, but there are women within that system. As much as I'm telling you that there's racism in the system, we also know there are a great number of gender issues within that system in how women are treated and how it's managed. It's not an easy system, and you have to be awfully tough. The barriers entail how well-received women are, and how they're treated.
This system is an old system. It's based on principles that are not in today's world when you're talking about things like feminism. We need to change how it's looked at. Back in the days when the RCMP was formed, we had stories from the 1800s of RCMP officers raping our women. This is not just starting now; this is already something from centuries ago.
We need to start looking at a system that is not based on the fact that women have no value. Back then, women didn't even have a vote or a say. We have to change these systems now, so that they're reflective of exactly what our future is going to be in order for people to be treated equally within that system.
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Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
I am also going to echo my colleagues' comments. I would be remiss if I did not highlight the anniversary of the death of Louis Riel today. His memory lives on across the country, but particularly in Quebec and in the hearts of Quebecers. So I want to highlight this important day.
My two questions go to you, Professor Roach. Allow me to ask them in French because I feel that we must not underestimate your ability to understand the language, as you have demonstrated for Ms. Michaud's questions. So I will follow somewhat along the lines of her last comment.
I very much like the approach you are advocating, that of professionalizing police forces, as an alternative to the paramilitary model that the RCMP and a number of other police forces seem to encourage. Could you tell us about the best examples you have observed, whether they involve municipal police forces or those abroad?
My second question is about contract policing. What are the greatest advantages in your opinion? Can you give us a quick overview?
Unfortunately, colleagues, that is where we are going to have to end this session. On your behalf, I want to thank Professor Roach and President Omeniho for their contributions.
As you can see, members would really, really like to be asking more questions, but we unfortunately suffer the tyranny of time.
With that, we will suspend and re-empanel, so please don't turn off your computers.
Thank you.
I thank the committee for this invitation to speak on issues of systemic racism in policing in Canada.
Before I begin, I would like to acknowledge that I am taking space on the traditional territories of the Mississauga of the Credit, the Anishinabe, the Chippewa, Haudenosaunee and the Wendat peoples.
My name is Kanika Samuels-Wortley, and I am an assistant professor with the Institute of Criminology and Criminal Justice at Carleton University. My research centres on the policing of racialized communities as well as youth crime and victimization.
Today, I speak to you not only as a researcher but also as a Black member of Canadian society.
We, as Canadians, often view diversity as our strength. However, at this point in history, we can no longer ignore growing evidence that social inequality within our country is highly racialized. Black and indigenous peoples are more likely to live in poverty, thus creating barriers to social mobility.
The Canadian criminal justice scholarship has explored the intersection of social inequality in crime, but often neglects to consider the role of race and racism and how discrimination factors into criminalization, particularly given—
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I'll start with policing. It is one area that warrants specific attention in the criminal justice process simply due to the fact that it is the initial point of contact with members of the community. Police, of course, also have the discretion and coercive power to determine whether one's behaviour is criminal or not. Police are the gatekeepers to the justice system.
Some scholars and advocates will argue that the police only target individuals who commit crime, which thus explains the higher rates of offending among Black and indigenous peoples. However, there is a growing body of Canadian research that reveals how racially biased policing behaviours and practices also contribute to racial disparities in our justice system.
For the remainder of the discussion I will specifically speak to research pertaining to Black communities in Canada including concerns over racial profiling, police discretion and the under-policing of Black victimization.
For decades, Black communities in Canada have raised concerns that they are subject to higher levels of police surveillance. Racial profiling reflects the belief that officers often focus on the race of civilians rather than individualized suspicion or behaviour. These allegations are supported by a growing body of studies conducted in Toronto, Ottawa, Halifax, Montreal and Vancouver that reveal that Black people—more specifically, Black men—are grossly overrepresented in the official street check statistics.
Furthermore, a number of studies have shown that Black people are more likely to report multiple police stops and search incidents than respondents from other racial groups. Importantly, racial differences with respect to police contact remain even after controlling for other relevant factors including gender, social class, neighbourhood characteristics and criminal behaviour.
In other words, racial differences in police contact cannot be explained away by poverty or involvement in crime. Race matters. If you're a Black man in Canada, the question is not if you will be stopped, but when.
As a result of these practices, Black people are more likely to be caught for engaging in minor criminal activity than people from other racial backgrounds who engage in the exact same behaviour. This is a form of systemic racism.
Research also suggests that when white Canadians are caught breaking the law, they will be treated more leniently by the police than Black people. My own research demonstrates that concerns over police discretion and its impact on arrest decisions are valid.
To illustrate, our Youth Criminal Justice Act not only advises, but also gives police officers the power to choose alternative measures to the court system when apprehending a youth who has committed a crime. This is rooted in research that suggests the court system is not only costly, but inappropriate for most young people who engage in crime. Yet my analysis of police data suggests that in comparison to youth from other racial backgrounds, Black youth are more likely to be charged and less likely to receive an alternative sanction.
Involvement with the court system can lead to an array of negative consequences including societal stigmatization. Furthermore, a criminal record can have a negative impact on both educational and employment opportunities and ultimately lead to further criminal involvement. Therefore, Black people are more likely to face criminal charges and experience court interventions, as my data suggests. They are also more likely to experience the negative consequences of criminalization and labelling.
The disproportionate racial charge rates suggests that bias has become embedded in police discretion. It is these systems that perpetrate systemic racism.
Finally, I would like to switch gears and turn to the topic of victimization. While Black communities are over-policed in many respects, members of the Black community have long raised concerns over police inaction or insensitivity when it comes to their own victimization.
While the research is scarce, what data do exist suggest that Black people are at a higher risk of victimization than people from other racial backgrounds. However, research also suggests that Black people in Canada are less likely to report crime, including their own victimization, to the police. My current research seeks to understand why. Having a better understanding as to why people fail to report to the police is of great importance. Civilian reporting is needed to identify community crime levels. Civilian co-operation with police investigations is also needed to solve crimes and bring offenders to justice.
My analysis of national victimization data demonstrates that Black Canadians have little trust or confidence in the police. My one-on-one interviews with Black youth in Toronto demonstrate that this lack of trust decreases youth's motivations to report crime. This lack of trust is directly related to experiences of harsh and inadequate treatment by law enforcement officials.
To illustrate, many youth report that when they did report a crime to police in the past, the police treated them as a crime suspect rather than as a victim. Others fear that reporting victimization to the police could lead to police use of force against them or their family members. This places Black youth in a vulnerable position due to their increased risk of violent victimization as well as a lack of trust in an institution that is meant to serve and protect them. This is not only an example of systemic racism, but an issue of public safety.
We are at a time when citizens are expressing concern over racial bias in Canadian policing. In fact, a recent poll suggests that 40% of Canadians believe that police treat Black, indigenous and persons of colour unfairly. For decades, police services and policy-makers have deflected concerns over racial bias, and have failed to conduct the appropriate research and reforms that are necessary. There is a vital opportunity now to demonstrate that you're listening to Canadians in general, and members of the Black community in particular.
As a researcher I argue that we need more transparency from police services in order to document racism and evaluate the impact of anti-racism initiatives. We require improved race-based data collection, access and dissemination. We also require a commitment to work with researchers, including researchers of colour, who are willing to make critical inquiries into law enforcement practices. We can no longer rely on researchers who just give police the answers they are looking for.
I want to end with a quote from a participant in my study, who stated:
Not every officer is bad but as an institution the police gives those with biases the space and a platform to target people within those groups and without recourse.
I find this quote powerful, because as a Black member of Canadian society these issues do impact my sense of safety and well-being.
I thank the committee.
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Madam Michaels will be supporting me during the question period of this presentation.
Qujannamiik, Mr. Chair.
Ublaahatkut, members of Parliament, chair, co-chairs, guests and staff.
My name is Gerri Sharpe and I am the vice-president of Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada. I am pleased to be here with you today on behalf of our president, Rebecca Kudloo.
Most of the Inuit population live in 51 communities spread across four regions of Inuit Nunangat: Nunavut, Nunavik, Inuvialuit, and Nunatsiavut.
Violence is a leading cause of mortality among Inuit women, at a rate of 14 times the national average.
In Inuit Nunangat, policing is the responsibility of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, except in Nunavik, which has been policed by the Kativik Regional Police Force since 1996.
Official statements by the RCMP and the KRPF state that policing is carried out in a manner that provides justice and the safety and security of all citizens.
A number of elements call into question whether policing in Inuit Nunangat is successful in protecting women. Some concerns include staffing shortages and the short duration of RCMP postings, a lack of experience of officers regarding the population and the lack of cultural competencies, language barriers, lack of Inuit police officers, lack of resources and underfunding, and lack of wraparound services.
How did we get here?
In just a few decades, we underwent a profound transformation in our lives and livelihood, transformation that was organized by colonial forces outside of our control. The RCMP played a key role in these operations. They relocated us from permanent settlements to permanent settlements, transported Inuit children to residential schools and slaughtered Inuit sled dogs.
Simply put, in Inuit Nunangat, policing is a structure built on systematic racism. This is a culture with deeply held views resulting in failed responses to the violence that Inuit women and girls experience.
Inuit communities have an inclusive culture, but policing has another, built on colonialism.
In January 2020, Pauktuutit released a report entitled “Addressing Gendered Violence against Inuit Women: A review of police policies and practices in Inuit Nunangat”. It revealed some fundamental issues that all lead to normalization of gendered violence against Inuit women. Police encounter significant challenges in carrying out their roles, including working in a high-risk, violent situation with a lack of referral resources to support those who need to escape domestic violence. The lack of investment in Inuit-led social services, health services and general infrastructure such as housing and shelters has also created an extra burden of responsibility on law enforcement. Individual officers can, and do, make a huge difference. We've heard positive stories from encounters with police, but the overall picture that has emerged from our report points to a largely flawed policing model.
Officers are poorly integrated into the community and therefore are not seen as trustworthy. They hold a limited understanding of the history of Inuit communities and the root causes of problems, especially regarding drug and alcohol use and domestic violence.
As a police officer emphasized, communication is fundamental in policing, yet fewer than five of the 150 RCMP officers in Nunavut are fluent in Inuktitut. The dispatch system does not offer Inuktitut-speaking staff. The language disconnect sets up quite for a barrier for Inuit women when they report gendered violence. This fact alone hinders the trust in policing.
Our report also finds that several women needing protection from violence are removed from their homes—instead of the abusers. This is a further injustice they experience that creates further trauma. Court-imposed sanctions are not being properly monitored, which results in mistrust and puts women in harm's way.
Racialized policing persists with Inuit women's encounters. You may recall this summer's explosive investigation by CBC into the conduct of the RCMP serving Nunavut's 25 communities. The investigation revealed shocking details of more than 30 cases of alleged RCMP misconduct, abuse and inhumane treatment of Inuit, especially women.
We are calling for a fundamental shift in how northern policing is carried out. Our report details 15 recommendations. The following are highlights: cultural competency training, with training on Inuit history and culture as well as local Inuktitut dialect; female officers, with one female officer present, if not leading, the statement-gathering process; Inuit advisory committees composed of elders, community leaders and cultural facilitators to ensure that police practices and procedures are integrating Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit principles; trauma-informed policing, with trauma training relevant to the historical and present-day experience of Inuit to de-escalate situations and build positive relationships; on the duration of postings, revisiting the RCMP policy of two-year postings in favour of longer postings; gender-based violence training, delivered at least in part by victim advocates and to include Inuit survivors of domestic violence; Inuit civilian positions that employ Inuit at each police department, such as interpreters, natural healers and community patrols or peacekeepers—
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There are a few recommendations that I would say need to be acted upon urgently.
In my view, it is of the utmost importance that the length of the RCMP posting in the communities be reviewed. In order for the members to be integrated into the community, they need to be present. They need to be seen. They need to participate in the community. No sooner does that happen then they are removed from the community after two years. It is wonderful when the officers are seen in the community, partaking in things like jamborees or playing basketball or hockey. They become part of the community, and they become trusted. No sooner does this happen then they're removed to another community, and it starts all over again. That trust needs to be there. They need to be seen as part of the community.
One thing about Inuit communities that is much different from the south is that our communities are holistic. The whole community operates together. I often tell people that what happens in Inuvik or what happens in Iqaluit will affect what happens here in Yellowknife. It's fact because this is how families operate. This is how communities operate. It's all encompassing.
I'm going to ask Samantha if there's anything that I've missed because I'm sure that there is.
Thanks to both our witnesses.
Both of you, I want to go back to contract policing because what we've seen in a number of recent issues—the Wet'suwet'en issues with the RCMP and the Mi'kmaq fishers right now—is that those RCMP officers are contracted by the province. As federal representatives, it's very frustrating because they actually report to the provinces. In the north, the reporting is to the territory. You touched on it.
Professor Samuels-Wortley, I'll start with you and give you more than a minute. If the RCMP were to get out of contract policing, it would allow them to do other policing priorities that are actually under federal jurisdiction. I'm wondering if you could perhaps expand a little bit on the whole issue of the federal government's being involved in contract policing and the benefits. We know that Surrey has just implemented its own police service and is moving away from contract policing.
Professor, I'll start with you, and then we'll go on.
My thanks to the witnesses for joining us, particularly Ms. Samuels-Wortley.
Ms. Samuels-Wortley, you are currently working on a study that is exploring how perceptions and experiences of racial discrimination from peace officers can contribute to victimization and delinquency among young Black and Indigenous people, and how it contributes to their feeling oppressed and marginalized in society. Our present study does not deal with young people at all. We often focus on indigenous women, and rightly so, but young people are often are also the target.
I am the Bloc Québécois' critic on youth matters, hence my interest in this. Could you provide some more detail about the way in which perceptions of injustice can can lead to victimization or procriminal values among young people from the Black and Indigenous communities?
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That's a great question, and I appreciate the opportunity to speak to this further.
Yes, perceptions of injustice are now being explored to be considered as a criminogenic factor. There's a perception of a level of unfairness, particularly for Black youth. When you look at every social indicator, the Black population is at the lowest levels of employment, income, housing and health, as we are seeing now with COVID-19.
There really is a sense of alienation and hopelessness within the Black community. As a result of these perceptions of injustice, when it comes to policing—and we're now discussing more about systemic racism within policing—there's a sense that society is unfair.
As a result, some youth may develop pro-crime attitudes. This increases and puts them at a vulnerability, because if they do not trust the police, who are meant to serve and protect them, there's a chance they will develop self-help strategies. They may engage in criminogenic behaviours when it it comes to carrying weapons for protection, or developing their own sense of vigilante justice, because they do not believe that police will be on their side or protect them when in need.
This is an area that I am looking to explore further. I believe it is something that we need to explore, because even with a criminal record, it creates an additional barrier to achieve many of the social factors that lead to mobility. As a result, there is an extreme sense of alienation within the Black community, particularly with some Black youth.
:
Again, that's a great question.
I simply ask all of the youth I interview what a police officer can do for them to feel some type of connection, or not to feel negatively towards them.
I do want to make clear that every youth understands the importance of having an officer. Not one has stated that they want to defund the police or don't believe there is a sense of utility in having officers.
It literally comes down to being treated with respect. Every single one has said that all they want, when they encounter an officer, is to feel they are being treated fairly and with respect. You would think something as simple as that would be easy to achieve, but clearly it's not.
I do believe this needs to start within the police culture and to change the way that police feel they need to interact with the community. There needs to be more of a focus on community development and positive community engagement.
As my fellow attendees have mentioned as well, there are positive instances where they've had members of their community state that they have had positive interactions. I believe these do exist, but one negative interaction can completely dismantle that positive interaction and can completely change the way that one perceives the police culture and the police institution.
I really think we need to start back at square one as to what it means to be a police officer and not view it as soft policing but as essential policing.
Thank you to both of our main witnesses, and to Ms. Michaels as well for your contribution.
Vice-president Sharpe, I was listening intently to your description of the role the RCMP played and the cultural role they played in your communities historically and whatnot, and then to the list of very fundamental portions of the 15 recommendations your report of last January made.
Conjuring up images that we've seen over the last number of months, which led in part to this committee's study, it all seems to beg the following question. In your view, is the RCMP a body that is capable of gaining the trust, with all of the things they would have to do to ensure that, to overcome all of this history, or should we be looking at perhaps another way out?
Ms. Damoff touched on it in a way, talking about contract policing, but is there hope for that organization to be the vehicle for proper policing in Inuit communities?
:
Oh, yes, in Labrador, we have Nunatsiavut as well, which I'm more familiar with, although I've been to Nunavut as well. It is a big territory, there's no question about that. There is a big series of problems that we've been talking about today. Let's see.
I don't have much time left, but I did want to ask Professor Samuels-Wortley about something she brought up about police discretion. I know it's something that's very powerful in the hands of police officers in dealing with any members of the public, and in particular it influences how a systemic bias might take place.
How do you control that, aside from better training? Is there another way of ensuring, perhaps at the court level, that if discretion is not properly exercised, the kind of diversion or alternative to ending up with a criminal record, which is further stigmatizing, etc...? Is that absent, or is that a way to go? Is that something we could recommend?
I'll try to do this quickly and also split my time with my colleague Damien, if there's time.
I want to thank all of the witnesses for being here today.
I think there a couple of key issues that are very clear and striking from your testimony: trust, confidence and, in some cases, fear in dealing with policing. On the one hand, it's quite concerning to hear that people are fearful and less likely to report crimes because of victimization. On the other hand, because of generations of experiences, lack of cultural knowledge, language barriers and other things, there are obviously these issues of trust and confidence and fear.
In order to make some improvements in that regard, and also to increase accountability, to all the witnesses, if you were to have a revised oversight model of the RCMP, what elements would you include in light of the fact that the complaints process is so backlogged and overly complex, often requiring a lawyer to even get into it? Are there any best practice models, either in Canada or around the world, that would be necessary, and have any of you been consulted on any or all of these issues by the current government?
Thank you.
I think where we really need to start is with accountability, the sense that the community should be able to feel that when concerns are raised, they're going to be dealt with. We're very much in the dark as to the process. There is definitely a lack of transparency, so we need to have an increased sense of transparency with regard to what occurs with officers who do engage in police misconduct, including a higher level of use of force or whatever it may be.
I know this is particular to Ontario, but we continue to have officers who are paid even if they are suspended. That doesn't sit right with many individuals who may have had their lives literally changed from an encounter with an officer, while that officer is then suspended but continues to have a salary. The community really needs to feel that, if something has been done, police will be looked at with a sense of higher accountability, as they really do have the ability to damage someone's life.
I actually want to point out the fact that you mentioned generations of RCMP misconduct. I'm going to tell you that here in the north, the RCMP have been around only for a little more than my lifetime. While you can count that as generations, it was when my grandfather was younger than I am now, shortly before I was born, that the RCMP were introduced to the north. I'm not that old; I'm a young grandmother.
I will tell you a story about Simon Tookoome who was from Baker Lake. He wrote a story about the first time he saw a wooden house, and it was the RCMP wooden house. He saw a cat in there, so he went in, and he said that it felt too loud and too noisy, because he was used to being in an igloo.
When it comes to mistrust, the members who are being sent into our communities.... You can probably look this up in records from Deline, where members were sent who had had stayed convictions of assaults. These members are going into our community to police our community. That is a problem. We need to trust that the officers who are being sent into communities are above reproach, so they cannot be convicted of the offences they are arresting people for.
Unfortunately, colleagues, we're going to have to leave it there.
On behalf of my colleagues, I want to thank Professor Samuels-Wortley, Vice-President Sharpe and Ms. Michaels for your effort to be here and for your testimony and thoughtfulness.
As you can see, the committee is completely engaged in what you had to say.
I see that Mr. Dalton is quite pleased. I think he's going to be reaching out to you Vice-President Sharpe to see whether you're from the same family tree, which is not such a bad thing.
With that colleagues, I'm going to bring the meeting to an end. I'm going to look to the clerk as to whether we have to go in camera to be able to accept the report of the subcommittee.
:
I do miss you. I think everybody misses you, Rob.
Hi Rob, I didn't know you were here. The invisible Rob.
And thank you, Elizabeth, for hanging out.
Is there any other discussion?
Those in favour of the report as submitted?
(Motion agreed to)
Thank you very much, colleagues.
We will try to get started at 3:30 on Wednesday, but probably will be sidelined by some—