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I'd like to bring this meeting to order. This is meeting 29 of the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security. We are continuing our study of contraband tobacco.
I would like to welcome the witnesses we have before us today. We have, from Imperial Tobacco Canada Limited, Mr. Donald McCarty and Mr. Benjamin Kemball. We welcome you, gentlemen, and we will let you begin your testimony.
The usual practice is to have a ten-minute opening statement. We'll then give Mr. Jerry Montour, who is the chief executive officer from Grand River Enterprises, an opportunity to make a presentation. Steve Williams is not here, but Chantell Montour is here taking his place, I presume.
Sir, I will let you or Chantell do approximately a ten-minute presentation after we hear from Imperial Tobacco, if that's all right with all of you.
After that, we will open it up for questions and comments.
Without any further ado, which one of you gentlemen would like to begin?
Mr. Kemball, go ahead, sir.
:
Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen.
First of all, thank you for this opportunity to address you on behalf of the Canadian Tobacco Manufacturers' Council.
Over the past three years we've drawn attention to the alarming growth of the illegal tobacco trade and its disastrous economic and social consequences. I'm heartened by the fact that this committee has called for hearings on such a serious matter. Given that we're discussing illegal activities, I've asked Don McCarty, vice president of the law division and general counsel of Imperial Tobacco Canada, to join me.
Before we get to the potential solutions, I'd like to give you an overview of this illegal market and its consequences. We've circulated a document to pre-read, as well as a CD, which provides detailed information from various different studies commissioned by Imperial Tobacco Canada, the Canadian Tobacco Manufacturers' Council, as well as others, such as the Canadian Convenience Store Association. I'd be happy to answer any questions you have on these studies, or indeed on any other matter concerning this important subject.
In the interests of time, I'll limit my points to the key conclusions. First of all, illegal products represented 22% of the Canadian market in 2007—and over 30% in Ontario and Quebec. Those data were from the last major study conducted, and the findings and the methodology of this study have been widely reviewed and accepted. Even health groups, such as Physicians for a Smoke-Free Canada, recognize it as the most extensive survey available.
In volume terms, illegal products reached 10 billion cigarettes in 2007, and all the indications since then are that it has continued to grow rapidly. The illegal trade has now overtaken Rothmans, Benson & Hedges, and JTI-MacDonald to become the second largest supplier of tobacco products in Ontario and Quebec. It's well on course to becoming the leading supplier nationally—ahead even of Imperial Tobacco, which manufactures 14 billion cigarettes a year.
Now, of that 22% that the illegal products represent, 93% originate from first nations reserves. I have with me here some examples of such products. These products violate a wide range of laws and regulations, including the Excise Act, the Tobacco Act, and the Consumer Products Labelling Act, amongst others. The remainder of that 22% is attributable to cigarettes smuggled in from other countries, and only 1% is attributable to counterfeit—basically the illegal copies of recognized brands, typically smuggled in from countries such as China.
While this is still a sizeable proportion of cigarettes purchased from smoke shacks, the largest and fastest growing means of purchase of illegal cigarettes is through contacts, namely, the criminal networks who distribute illegal products outside the reserves. In many cases, these sales are taking place directly to consumers, and indeed directly to children.
Whereas legal tax-paid cigarettes cost between $65 and $85 a carton—according to the price category in the province—illegal cigarettes are sold at prices as low as $6 for a bag of 200. In other words, they are sold at 3¢ a cigarette. An analysis of cigarette butts outside schoolyards in Ontario and Quebec suggests that the penetration of illegal cigarettes amongst children is running at 30%. In some municipalities it reaches as much as 50% in Ontario and even 70% in Quebec.
The illegal trade in tobacco products is widely seen as a low-risk and victimless crime that hurts only big tobacco and big government. It is true that the legal manufacturers lose several hundred millions of dollars per year in revenues. It's also true that other industry partners are suffering, whether they be wholesalers, retailers who lose an average of $120,000 a year, or the tobacco growers in Ontario whose livelihoods are threatened. And governments in Canada—or more accurately the Canadian taxpayer—are being defrauded to the tune of $1.6 billion every year. But as if that were not enough, it's the disastrous social consequences that demand urgent and effective action.
Canada justifiably prides itself on having the most highly regulated and one of the most highly taxed tobacco markets in the world. These regulations encompass the manufacturer, labelling, testing, marketing, and sale of tobacco products.
Given the inherently risky nature of our products, the major tobacco companies support reasonable regulation and indeed the use of taxation to discourage kids from smoking. We ask only that these laws and regulations be enforced uniformly and that they achieve their purpose. Sadly, neither is true today.
As you can see from the studies, children now have access to cigarettes at pocket-money prices, and criminals do not ask for proof of age. What is more, according to the RCMP and provincial police, many of the networks involved in illegal tobacco distribution also deal in alcohol, drugs, and firearms, with consequent risks to Canadian youth.
More broadly, all Canadians must be concerned that a culture be allowed to develop of casual law breaking.
So there you have it. From a highly regulated legal tobacco market to an illegal, unregulated, and untaxed market.... And we have yet to see the impact of the tobacco display bans, which come into effect in Ontario and Quebec at the end of this month and which will create fertile conditions for the illegal tobacco trade.
Before coming to the potential solutions, let me make clear that I am not calling for a tax rollback. While tax rollbacks have worked in the past, I understand the political pressures that one would bring. But the laws of Canada must be enforced uniformly and effectively or else governments will leave themselves no alternative other than chaos or a tax rollback.
I should also stress that there is no single solution, no silver bullet, to this problem. Any lasting solution will require a combination of measures that must involve and be supported by the first nations leadership. While I can't speak on behalf of the first nations, all the contacts and information we have had confirm that the first nations themselves are very concerned at the damaging effect of illegal tobacco trade on their own communities. Far from being beneficiaries, they have become the victims of crime from outside.
I'm pleased to see that certain first nations leaders have chosen to attend this hearing, and I hope their voices will be heard.
Effective measures to deal with illegal tobacco should include more effective enforcement of all relevant laws, not just taxation but also those covered by the Tobacco Act, amongst others. Proper enforcement would not only drive up the costs and reduce the demand for illegal products, but it would also help tobacco control policies from unravelling.
The announcement last week of the RCMP's 2008 contraband tobacco enforcement strategy is a very positive development, but as Assistant Commissioner Raf Souccar stated last week, enforcement alone will not suffice.
The creation of a national task force is a much needed initiative to coordinate government strategies and actions for the diverse government bodies that can play a role in fighting illegal tobacco. This range includes the Canada Revenue Agency, the RCMP, the ministries of Public Safety, Finance, Indian and Northern Affairs, Agriculture, and Heath. Such a task force should consult the different stakeholders, including the tobacco companies, for such information and recommendations as may be required.
There are areas beyond enforcement that can help to deal with the problem. For example, the supply of specific machinery and materials associated with tobacco manufacture should be properly monitored and controlled. To our knowledge, more than 20 tobacco manufacturing licences have been issued by the federal government over the past few years with very few, if any, inspections. The tobacco companies could also play their part by working with suppliers to the industry to ensure that they apply “know your customer” policies.
Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the introduction of a first nations tobacco tax comparable to the provincial tobacco tax should play a pivotal role. The proceeds could be used to fund the much-needed development programs for the first nations. This concept has proved effective with Seneca territories in the U.S. It's encouraging to hear that here in Canada several first nations leaders are advocating this as part of the solution. There are similar examples of very effective self-regulation in tobacco in first nations reserves such as the Cowichan Reserve in Duncan, British Columbia, where the provincial tobacco tax is enforced, collected, and retained by the first nations.
As you've seen, the situation is dire and has already spiralled out of control. I hope the political leadership--federal, provincial, and first nations--will seize this opportunity to put in place lasting solutions for the benefit of all Canadians. My company, together with the industry I represent, is committed to help wherever we can.
Thank you very much for your time.
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I too would like to thank the committee for the opportunity. It's kind of overwhelming to me, as a first nations manufacturer, because I know there has never been a time in history when a first nations tobacco manufacturer has actually been allowed to have input into these kinds of hearings.
We've been licensed as a tobacco manufacturer in Canada since 1997. We've contributed around $500 million in tax revenue, from which we've yet to see benefits come to first nations communities. This makes it all the harder for us as a company when we go out and try to lobby first nations governments as a whole to participate in levelling the playing field, which is drastically.... As my colleague pointed out, we're out there trying to sell a bag of tobacco products for somewhere in the vicinity of $28 to $35, and we have other people out there selling them at $6 a carton.
You know, the idea of allowing first nations people the ability to place taxation on the products themselves is not new. I can remember, as early as the late eighties and early nineties, coming to former governments prior to this one and actually suggesting these same ideas. Basically, they didn't even have the time of day to listen to us. I remember sitting with someone as high up as the then-Minister of Finance, I think Mr. Anderson, and telling him that to really get our people to buy into these programs, they were going to have to see some of the benefits of this revenue helping first nations people.
With that in mind, I also have to say that the overall problem with the industry as a whole right now is the word “legal” recognition. Legal recognition is the hardest part of the industry as a whole.
Our company has chosen the avenue of taking on a tobacco manufacturer's licence. Up until eight years ago we were perceived as almost iconic heroes in our community. Under the guidelines of the federal government, paying all the applicable federal taxes, our company flourished. We also founded one of the very first charities among first nations, the Dreamcatcher Fund. We've contributed over $10 million to that. The spinoff effects of our company alone have created over 1,000 jobs on first nations communities, all under the guidelines of paying the applicable federal taxes.
I see the chief of the Akwesasne reserve here. I can totally understand, from her perspective, how it must hurt to sit there and have her people demonized as criminals. It's almost a savage-like environment. As soon as they point out there's a problem with tobacco, they say, “It's got to be Akwesasne”. And that's the core of the problem.
I've never once heard that we should find out who supplies the raw materials to this industry and bring them to task. I can guarantee you that CEOs of publicly traded companies don't like to be indicted, and people of first nations descent who are in desperate situations are easily capitalized on. But I don't know how you're going to be able to manufacture tobacco products if you can't source out the raw materials.
Let's talk about the health ramifications and other things. If you believe for a second that first nations people don't have their own youth to consider, you really have to....
Let me give you the mindset of our young people. Let me give you the mindset of being a young first nations person going to high school: leaving your community on a bus, getting to the end of your territory, seeing probably 40 or 50 OPP officers sitting outside the edge of your reserve because of unresolved land issues, and thinking you're going to change your life, you're going to get a job. So you go back to your community. But the only opportunities that present good employment on our first nations territories right now are tobacco-related.
In terms of the transition period, just like the tobacco farmer.... I'm very proud to say that at Grand River Enterprises, all of the tobacco content in our tobacco products--plus we happen to pay all applicable federal taxes--is 90% domestically grown.
Now, I don't want to sit up here and try to be like an advocate for tobacco and be attacked by all of the public health concerns and stuff. From a global perspective, we are recognized as the pioneers of making people aware of the ramifications of tobacco products. Our products display health warnings to put us on a level playing field with our competitors. But when you have things like this happen--your product is being blatantly counterfeited and sold right in your own communities--it's discouraging.
Whether you're pro tobacco or not, there is nothing to disclaim the things that we've been asked to put on these packs. There's no proof from an industry standard that we can say to you that smoking is not bad for your lungs or that it doesn't hurt you. So we don't have any medical evidence to back up anything different, and we have a responsibility to put those health warnings on those packs. Our company is a first nations manufacturer, and we took it upon ourselves to adhere to all those guidelines, only to be slapped in the face and have our product counterfeited and put right on those same packs.
In this public forum I would also warn all first nations communities that allowing the organized crime element to come into first nations territories is like allowing wolves in sheep's clothing into your communities.
There seems to be some confusion over who has the ability to tax the product, and we're all waiting. I met the former chief of Akwesasne, Chief Mitchell, when I walked into the room. When he and I were trying to pioneer these arguments, we were much younger men. There have never been changes brought about on the whole aspect of jurisdiction and who has the ability to tax these products. We still don't have it 20 years later. If we're going to base all of our actions on the fact that we're going to have to figure out who has jurisdiction over the territories first, I'm really concerned that absolutely nothing will get done.
As the CEO of this enterprise, I'm very concerned that our products are blatantly displayed in first nations territories. The RCMP reported there were something like 140 different organized criminal elements working along with first nations people as a whole in the tobacco industry. I speak only as an individual. I'm not a hereditary chief; I'm not currently elected as chief of a first nations territory. But I don't want, every time a committee talks about our people, to have them perceived as embracing organized crime and wanting those activities to take place on their reservations.
You're going to hear from another man who is chief of a reserve and also pays all the applicable federal taxes. I'm not here to argue the tax jurisdiction. I'm here to make you aware that you cannot make tobacco products without raw materials. It's only just recently, thank goodness, by the actions of the government that you've restricted tobacco machinery from getting into the hands of these operations. I applaud you for that. It was a great first move. Now take all of the other necessary steps to at least make sure that there's total transparency in the industry as a whole.
We can walk through who has jurisdiction over the taxation at a later date, but everybody knows what it's like to try to extract organized crime from a community once it embeds itself there. I'm very concerned.
Because we're first nations businessmen, in the first eight years we had the licence and were paying all the applicable federal taxes, as soon as we were able to recognize some benefits from this we reinvested our money in the first nations communities. You saw lacrosse arenas go up, the Ohsweken Speedway, gas stations, tech companies, and a lot of other spinoff and satellite companies that were owned by the directors or people who were working within the companies that were legally compliant.
I've watched that slowly diminish. I believe it's diminishing because a lot of the time these activities involve people who don't have first nations' agendas at heart. The money is leaving the country and going to other countries that participate in activities. I'm sure you have very good policing agencies; they can help you identify them.
It's very difficult to even speak in front of a committee when in the back of your mind you're thinking, “Don't sell out your own people. Make sure you give your people the opportunity to go after some of that revenue stream too. It's all that your people have as a revenue stream.” By the same token, as a first nations businessman, am I not entitled to a level playing field? Am I not entitled to play under the same rules as everybody else?
You talk about provincial jurisdiction. I can speak only for myself; I don't have the privilege of speaking for every other tobacco manufacturer on the reservation. But I can tell you our company is the largest compliant tobacco manufacturer on a first nations territory, and we don't want to see our native-made products in retail stores off the reservation.
We've never been granted provincial permission to go into Ontario and sell tobacco products, which is an issue that will be before the courts one day. I don't want people taking products that are destined for first nations people and selling them in convenience stores. But do you know what? If you toughen up your laws, that won't happen.
I know in the United States of America, if you sell unstamped cigarettes for a second or third time, the punitive damages are unbelievable. They usually result in long-term incarceration. So you can't have a mellow environment and say, “Well, we're looking out for the rights of first nations people.”
First nations retailers who are truly committed to building their own communities only have their products for sale on first nations territories. They don't choose to have their products sold into the mainstream.
I've already touched a little bit on what it's like for the younger people growing up. Aren't they entitled to be working in a manufacturing facility? As long as tobacco is legal and recognized, I think they're entitled to be there. Do you want them working in a facility where there are firearms at their feet because they have to fear the raids and they have to fear the aggression? Because they're desperate for those jobs, they allow themselves to work in those environments. Is that what you want for the youth?
One thing first nations people do is believe in family. If you watch, we're the fastest growing population in Canada today. You have to provide opportunities for our people as well. If you can help me with restricting the raw materials that go into these tobacco products and move toward legal recognition, you will truly make Canada a safer place.
Thank you very much for your time.
:
First of all, let me give you a little bit of a strategy on your first question, because I would like to give a little bit of input on it too.
I think there's another strong strategy that the industry as a whole could help out with. If you really want to stop the amount of raw material that gets out from a tobacco perspective, the large tobacco companies, including ourselves, could commit to buying more of the domestically grown tobacco, as opposed to getting it from cheaper alternative sources. If we all purchased domestically grown tobacco and allowed them to have a long-term phase-out program, even if it meant additional amounts of money on each carton, it would help the Canadian tobacco farmer. My personal belief is that that's where about 80% of the actual tobacco is coming from in this contraband activity anyway. You can't have people growing 70 million pounds and all of a sudden just abandon them because tobacco is cheaper in Brazil or someplace else. We have a responsibility to help them in their phase-out program, as Canadian tobacco manufacturers, if we truly are interested in tackling the problem.
Second, there is no possible way in the world that anybody can tell you that.... I've got it outlined here, but I'll just show everybody a picture, just to show you. You can see that cigarette paper is clearly defined for one use. Tipping paper, the brown cork stuff on the edge of the cigarette, is clearly defined for one use. Acetate tow, to the best of my knowledge, is only.... If it is for alternative uses, then identify what those uses are and restrict it.
I still stand firmly in the position I had when I walked into this meeting, which is that if you control the raw materials, you'll control the activities, because anyone who is doing it in a legal form is not afraid of transparency.
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I've been wanting to say this for some time. I've been waiting for the right question--that is, why is this product illegal?
First of all, it's sold for $6. It's manufactured in a facility that probably doesn't have a licence, which is an infraction. Once it was manufactured there, it was smuggled across the border. That's another law broken. Then the excise tax wasn't applied; another law broken. The provincial tobacco tax wasn't applied when sold off the reserve. That's another law broken--and we're not talking about the GST and the PST.
Then what happens? It's sold to the consumer. Is there a health warning? No. Do we have the constituents on the side? No, we do not. Is the paper of low-ignition propensity? No, it is not.
There are at least a dozen health-related infractions with this bag. Then there's the Consumer Packaging and Labelling Act, which the Competition Bureau has to apply.
What's in this? I don't know.
If this was beer--someone's selling beer in clear plastic bottles, let's say, that are unmarked--would you drink it? No. But everyone smokes this stuff.
The name of the manufacturer is not on it. That's another infraction. The Competition Bureau is supposed to enforce that. What's in it is not marked. Where it comes from is not marked.
Health Canada has a dozen, at least a dozen, infractions of health regulations and the Tobacco Act itself. These are all violated systematically. None of this is enforced.
So that's why this is illegal. It's illegal: let me count the ways.
:
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate the opportunity to question the panel here.
I'm pleased that Mr. Montour came forward to testify. It's interesting. I've been invited down into your area several times by some friends who live in the community. Part of it has to do with the increased activity when it comes to contraband that is distributed in the region.
I was quite surprised that you mentioned the term “like a war zone” in regard to the area and the reserve. I assume that's what you meant by utilizing the term “war zone”. It obviously creates some concern for you about what might be happening or what might possibly be happening in the future. I don't know what you meant by that, but I would like some clarification.
I did actually buy some of those contraband cigarettes while I was there, and I was quite surprised that for $6 or $8 you can pick up a pack. But what surprised me even more was the amount of this contraband that's being sold in Calgary. Truckers pick it up, they move it right across the country, and they're selling it--what they can pick up here for $6--for $40 in Calgary. So I can see that there's quite a generation of capital, of cash, with no tax being paid on any of it.
The other thing that surprised me was the number of these smoke shacks, as Mr. McCarty has relayed, just in that one area that I was--I'm going to say--fortunate enough to visit, because I don't think anybody has a perspective on what's happening until you go and see for yourself. There are something in the neighbourhood of 200 just off the reserve. It's quite a business operation.
It concerns me, as a member of Parliament, as a former law enforcement officer. I have to say that I would like to see the law enforced evenly too. You, as a businessman, would like to see the law enforced. That would mean everybody gets equal treatment. What I get from you is that not everybody is getting equal treatment. And this is just in one area. It doesn't just apply to contraband; it probably should apply to all aspects of the law to create a safe environment.
Mr. Montour, you have a concern for the future of your reserve, your people, and I would have to assume that it goes beyond just your reserve and your people. It would deal with your business, and probably the community around you, because we don't live in isolation from one another.
I'm curious as to what you see happening with the youngsters in your community, then, when it comes to their involvement in dealing with some of this contraband, if it's just the young people in the Six Nations, for instance—and I don't mean to single out Six Nations, but that's the only place I've seen this kind of activity. What could we do together to get rid of the problem?
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First of all, thank you and all the panel members very much for allowing us to come and address these issues.
In answer to your question on what I see for first nations young people, it's not just in Six Nations, but in a lot of first nations territories all throughout Ontario and Quebec I see confusion. I see constant struggle over jurisdiction, over land claims issues.
I'll give you one example. First of all, I happen to be a proud member of Wahta Mohawk, which is in northern Ontario. I conduct my business on Six Nations. Young kids are going to high schools. We don't have a high school. We had one that was a bilingual high school on a reserve, but they were trucked in there. There's really no warm reception for young first nations individuals when you're in the middle of a land claim dispute. There's a lot of fear-mongering amongst other people telling them what's going to happen to them. The way they strive to get ahead is economically. If the only tools you have to get ahead economically are perceived to be illegal, basically it doesn't give you much opportunity, does it? That's where I'm trying to get to the meat of the problem.
When you ask, what's our solution, I really truly believe in my heart that a very first step is what's happening here in this room. A second step is that if you get involved with the raw material aspect of the business, then we'll all have a true, transparent number of what we're working with. Then we can look at revenue-sharing to first nations communities. Who has the jurisdiction to tax the product? How somebody can choose to pay it into their own community...how they have that option. That option was explored 23 years ago. I can remember coming up to this same building. I had every first nations member in the community saying, “Don't sell me out or don't come home”. I went up to the Minister of Finance and asked if we could work on some kind of revenue-sharing. I remember Mr. Anderson's name as if I'm looking at this microphone. I said, “Is there was any way it can benefit our people?” Basically he sent me packing.
Here we are, 23 years later, and we have to start tackling these issues. I know everybody may not agree with me on the raw material perspective, but let's face it, I'm in the industry and I'm a native manufacturer, so I have a pretty good insight as to what I believe will control the issue.