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INST Committee Report

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PREFACE

            Competition legislation, or antitrust legislation as it is sometimes called, has existed in Canada for more than 100 years. While the name or title of the governing Act has changed several times over the years,1each revision has refined it and made it a more effective instrument of the public interest. These revisions were necessary to fill major breaches in the Act because serious limitations in its enforceability became obvious almost immediately from the law’s earliest contested cases. Canada was the first industrial country out of the gate to adopt an antitrust law in 1889 but, from a practical sense, Canada fell well behind most major industrialized nations fairly early on in the realm of competition matters. In the intervening years between the original Act of 1889 and the current Act of 1986, Canada’s competition law could hardly have been touted as being on the vanguard of competition policy; much more work had to be done, and on a limited number of important issues still remains to be done, to realize such a lofty status.


[1]       The original Act was called An Act for the Prevention and Suppression of Combinations Formed in Restraint of Trade in 1889, which was
            repealed and replaced by the Anti-Combines Act of 1915. This new Act was repealed and replaced by two Acts: the Board of
           Commerce Act
and the Combines and Fair Price Act in 1919, which were later ruled ultra vires. These Acts were then replaced
            by the Combines Investigation Act of 1923, which was in turn repealed, thoroughly reworked and replaced by the Competition
            Act of 1986.

            The primary goal of the legislation — from the first to the latest — remains the same: the quashing of conspiracies and monopoly-making restraints of trade (except those created by federal and provincial legislation). The Committee’s Interim Report on the Competition Act (hereinafter the "Interim Report") provides some limited chronology of the revisions taken to date. In this report, the Committee wants to limit the amount of rehashing of this history. Our point of departure will be the adoption of the Competition Act and the Competition Tribunal Act in 1986; in the interest of brevity, we will revisit only the most significant amendments to these Acts and the economic conditions that spawned them.

            At the outset, the Committee observes five relatively recent economic trends that are becoming pervasive in today’s society — trends that, in all probability, cannot be divorced from the knowledge-based economy that we are building. These economic phenomena include: (1) a shift in corporate strategies that seek a competitive advantage through the attainment of economies of scale and scope and towards innovation; (2) the organizational drive to delayer many large corporate hierarchies through spinning off non-core activities to separate businesses and the forging of strategic allies or, alternatively put, the development of business networks in the hopes of raising productivity; (3) the adoption of new technologies, particularly digital technologies, that require substantial up-front investments with low or next-to-zero incremental unit costs that may lead to very aggressive pricing policies in economic downturns; (4) the adoption of products, most notably software programs such as Microsoft Windows, that may eventually develop into an industry standard, which will often be accompanied by network effects 2 and may consequently lead to unusually high levels of market concentration (including near-monopolization); and (5) the internationalization of commerce — trade and investment — in the wake of new transportation and communications technologies, with their attendant lower costs, and government policy favouring the removal of significant tariff barriers to trade around the globe. Each of these new developments has been a catalyst for changes to the Competition Act and the Competition Tribunal Act.


2 A “network effect,” or as it is sometimes called a “network economy,” refers to an enhanced value an individual already subscribing to    a business network would assign to the service with the addition of more customers. Using the local telephone network as an example, the larger the number of telephone subscribers to the local network, the greater the willingness to pay for service on the part of each subscriber. Such a “network economy” is also often referred to as a “network externality” because it is a value that is external to the firm but internal to the industry. Regulatory agencies across the world have been notorious in capturing and exploiting this externality through mandatory and implicit cross-subsidy pricing regulations.

 

            These economic phenomena and the competition concerns that they raise can be seen as the main causes of a flurry of government and Private Member’s bills that have made it to the Order Paper of the House of Commons. Indeed, one of the best barometers a democratic country has for measuring the public’s dissatisfaction with what is going on in the marketplace may be found in the number of bills or amendments for change. In the case of amendments to the Competition Act and the Competition Tribunal Act, nine Private Member’s bills and two government-sponsored bills (Bill C-26 of the 36th Parliament and Bill C-23 of 37th Parliament) have arisen in the last two years alone.

            The Committee suggests that the almost simultaneous appearance of these bills and the above-cited economic trends are no accident; there is a causal relationship flowing from economic trend to Competition Act amendment. For example, the local telephone network is the perennial case of a "network economy or externality." Cable television, rail freight services, electrical power and natural gas distribution also belong to this special industrial species, as is the recently deregulated airline industry. Some of the technologies used by airline companies also display very low incremental unit costs relative to total costs. The traditional way of handling these cases of near or "natural monopoly" has been to regulate them. Since the late 1980s, however, airline, rail freight, long distance telephone and international telecommunications services have been partially deregulated because technology developments suggest that they no longer harbour the natural monopoly characteristic. Only the deregulation of the airline industry has proven controversial. Here, the relatively small Canadian market and the federal government’s maintenance of foreign ownership restrictions on the operation of air carrier services have conspired to produce a highly concentrated market, frustrating both the travelling public and would-be start-ups in the industry. Bill C-26, an amendment passed in the 36th Parliament in 2000, was an attempt to address this problem subsequent to the imminent failure of Canadian Airlines International Inc. and its merger with Air Canada Inc. The failure of many smaller airline companies in the past few years (Royal Airlines, Greyhound Airlines, Canjet, Canada 3000) and the sheer dominance of Air Canada in the Canadian market were the stimulus for an amendment to Bill C-23. This amendment would give the Competition Tribunal the power to assess an administrative penalty of as much as $15 million if an air carrier is found guilty of abuse of dominance. As such, the government is departing from the traditional approach of arming the industry’s regulator with the necessary powers to directly control these aspects of competitive behaviour. The government has instead taken a "special rules for special industries" approach, which calls into question the claim that the Competition Act is framework legislation, justifying it on the grounds that this industry comes under federal regulatory jurisdiction.

            Bill C-23 addresses the increasing internationalization of commerce in two important ways. First, this bill would facilitate cooperation between the Competition Bureau and foreign competition authorities for the enforcement of civil competition matters now that monopolization practices can transcend country boundaries. Second, the Committee amended this bill to give private parties access to the Competition Tribunal for resolving disputes on a limited number of business practices that are considered civilly reviewable by the Acts. This amendment should comfort many small and medium-sized businesses that may have to combat large multinational enterprises which attempt to abuse their dominant position.

            Finally, increased innovation across most sectors of the economy demands quicker resolution of disagreements between private parties and the Bureau on controversial competition issues. Bill C-23 responds to such demands by proposing to streamline the Tribunal’s administrative processes through the provision of cost awards, summary dispositions and references.

            Bill C-23 will provide a good first step to strengthening the Competition Act. More steps, however, must be taken. Industry and competition experts complain that the law is over-inclusive in some areas of antitrust, but under-inclusive in other areas. The typical example of over-inclusiveness has been the law’s inability to properly distinguish between a strategic alliance and a conspiracy to raise prices to the detriment of the public, which has a "chilling" effect on some profitable and competitively benign opportunities that the business sector would otherwise undertake (despite the development of the Bureau’s bulletin: Strategic Alliances Under the Competition Act). Conventional thinking suggests that a strategic alliance is preferred to a full-blown merger as a means of gaining cooperative behaviour between rival companies with distinct core competencies. The perennial example of the law’s under-inclusiveness is found in the term "unduly" in section 45 of the Act — again dealing with a conspiracy — which makes it hard to obtain a conviction in a contested case; this is true even when the case is, for all intents and purposes, a "naked hard-core cartel" with no redeeming social value.

            Furthermore, a growing number of stakeholders believe that the Criminal Code is not well suited to distinguish between anticompetitive conduct and perfectly legitimate pro-competitive conduct when it comes to price discrimination, predatory pricing and vertical price maintenance practices. Shifting these pricing provisions over to the civilly reviewable side of the Act deserves further consideration. Competition Bureau resource issues, including the thresholds for merger review, are also a cause for concern and so are the processes and powers of the Competition Tribunal. Resolution of these issues is the task of this report.