The House resumed from December 10 consideration of Bill , as reported (with amendments) from the committee, and of the motions in Group No. 1.
:
Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to rise in the House today to speak to Bill strengthening Canada's immigration system and borders act.
I want to begin by thanking the members of the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security for their thorough study of the bill and the seriousness with which they approached their work. I also want to thank the many witnesses who shared their comments and suggestions about Bill C‑12.
Our border with the United States is the longest in the world. Every day last year, nearly $3.6 billion in goods and about 400,000 people crossed the border. Our RCMP and CBSA officers work hard, 24 hours a day and seven days a week, to ensure that our border remains one of the most secure in the world. However, our methods need to evolve all the time, just as the methods used by criminals and transnational organized crime groups are evolving. That is why Bill C‑12 is important. It amends our laws so that law enforcement finally has the tools and powers it needs to address the threats to our border.
There are three main thrusts to the bill: strengthening border security; combatting transnational organized crime, illicit fentanyl and illicit financing; and modernizing how we process immigration applications, including for asylum seekers.
To strengthen our border security, Bill C‑12 would amend the Customs Act to protect our borders from illicit drug trafficking, firearms smuggling and auto theft. Regarding auto theft, owners and operators of certain ports of entry and exit will be required to provide and equip facilities to enable the administration and enforcement of the CBSA's mandate, including examining and detaining goods for export. This will go a long way toward curbing the illegal export of stolen vehicles.
The bill would also amend the Oceans Act to add security activities to the range of services already provided by the Canadian Coast Guard. This will allow the Canadian Coast Guard to conduct security patrols and collect, analyze and share information and intelligence for security purposes. With respect to information sharing, the bill proposes to strengthen the RCMP's ability to share information about registered sex offenders with domestic and international law enforcement partners.
In addition to border security measures, the bill also contains measures that will strengthen our response to transnational organized crime, particularly when it comes to money laundering. Transnational organized crime groups cannot operate without access to funds. By making it more difficult for them to obtain additional funds, we are undermining their illegal activities. Bill will thus make it possible to impose tougher, higher penalties to combat money laundering. In fact, the monetary penalties have been multiplied by 40 to ensure that they have a major impact on the finances of businesses that may be tempted to tolerate money laundering operations.
The measures proposed in the bill will also enhance supervisory collaboration and support high standards of regulatory compliance. They will enable the Financial Transactions and Reports Analysis Centre of Canada, or FINTRAC, to share supervisory information on federally regulated financial institutions with the Financial Institutions Supervisory Committee, thus improving co-operation and communication.
All of the measures set out in Bill C-12 will strengthen current efforts to protect our border from coast to coast to coast. These measures include the creation of the joint operational intelligence cell, which builds on existing co-operation mechanisms between law enforcement partners and security agencies to better leverage information sharing to target transnational organized crime, money laundering and drug trafficking.
The government has also established the integrated money laundering intelligence partnership with Canada's big banks. This partnership strengthens our ability to develop and use financial intelligence to fight fentanyl trafficking and other crimes. Bill complements other measures, such as the fentanyl czar, who ensures coordination between the Canadian and U.S. governments, or the listing of eight transnational organized crime groups as terrorist entities under the Criminal Code. Of course, everyone knows that transnational organized crime groups pose a serious threat to our allies and to our own security. It serves the common good that we use every means available to neutralize them.
Bill C-12 goes hand in hand with another bill previously introduced, Bill , the strong borders act. Bill C-2 also advances measures that give law enforcement access to basic information essential to police investigations. It provides for enactment of the supporting authorized access to information act, expands the inspection authority of Canada Post and imposes new restrictions on third party deposits and large cash transfers.
The government listened to the concerns of stakeholders and parliamentarians, and we drafted Bill C-12, which will advance essential measures while giving us more time to study Bill C-2.
In conclusion, Bill C-12 grants the necessary powers to take decisive action to protect Canadians. I am therefore counting on my colleagues in Parliament to quickly pass this bill so that we can implement these essential measures as soon as possible.
:
Mr. Speaker, I thank the good people of Abbotsford—South Langley as I rise to speak to Bill , legislation that has potential to strengthen Canada but that unfortunately misses the mark once again.
Conservatives, to show we are a government-in-waiting, proposed multiple constructive amendments in the immigration components of Bill in an attempt to improve the legislation and fix Canada's broken immigration system. For years, Canadians have carried the weight of an economy strained by inflation, while also enduring unacceptable wait times in our health care system. At the same time, foreign nationals who have committed heinous crimes, including sexual offences, remain in Canada without being deported. Disturbingly, even the was unable to say where these individuals are or to provide any clarity on our immigration levels.
When our country faces this degree of scarcity, it is no wonder Canadians feel jaded. The support systems they rely on are simply not there. At the core of this challenge is the overwhelming pressure placed on our infrastructure by unregulated immigration. When the Liberals accept bogus visa applications, ignore the urgent housing needs across the country and allow crime to run rampant, it is our citizens who bear the brunt of this scarcity.
There are now over three million temporary residents in Canada, far more than our country can sustainably support. This rampant and unplanned growth has crowded our housing market, pushed rents and home prices beyond reach and left fewer opportunities for our next generation of Canadians who are trying to enter the workforce. Families feel the ripple effect in every corner of their lives, from longer wait times in emergency rooms to rising classroom sizes and basic challenges of finding an affordable shelter.
This is not an abstract policy problem; it is a lived reality for Canadians who see their communities stretched thin while the federal government continues to operate without a plan. By refusing to regulate intake levels responsibly or to enforce existing systems with seriousness, the Liberals have allowed pressure to build to a point where our infrastructure simply cannot keep up. Canadians expect compassion in immigration, but they also expect competence. Right now they are getting neither.
Prior to the challenges within Bill , the strain on Canadian infrastructure would have continued unchecked. The amendments proposed by the opposition would introduce a measure of steadiness, structure and accountability into the immigration system, which has grown chaotic under the Liberal government's management. It would also ensure that criminals would be prosecuted for their crimes in Canada. These proposed changes are not radical; they are responsible steps to ensure that Canada would welcome newcomers in a way that is sustainable, fair and safe for everyone.
A few of the Conservative amendments that passed with support across party lines in the Standing Committee on Public Safety, which I am proudly a part of, would instate harsher penalties for those convicted of human trafficking. Individuals convicted of human trafficking would face fines of up to $1 million or life imprisonment. Corporations would also face fines of up to $25 million for trafficking offences. The Liberals must answer why they voted down one particularly important amendment that would have denied asylum to any claimant deemed a danger to national security. Why are the Liberals so reluctant to hold people accountable for criminal behaviour?
There are also immense pressures on housing, the backlog of removal orders, the surge in temporary residents, and the gaps in enforcement. These are not problems that require another year of paperwork to diagnose; they are obvious, urgent and already well understood by Canadians.
Statistics Canada has revealed that the Liberals have failed to account for an astonishing 38% of temporary residents in the most recent census. This comes after reports earlier this fall showing that more than one million temporary residents hold visas that are about to expire, and the Liberals have admitted that they have no plan to ensure that non-citizens will depart after their visa expires. For months the Liberals even resisted Conservative calls to release basic entry and exit data. This raises serious concerns about the accuracy of the information they rely on.
Throughout the process, our Conservative team has been working tirelessly to strengthen our immigration system and hold the Liberal government to account for its incompetence. Canadians are demanding tangible change. They are asking for the government to enforce its own laws, create efficiency in an overwhelmed system, protect public safety and ensure that immigration happens in a fair and sustainable way.
These amendments create a structure for greater scrutiny, but scrutiny alone is not enough. What is needed now is political will, decisive action and real, concrete reform rather than more bureaucratic delays. Canadians deserve confidence that an individual required to leave Canada will do so. The same is true for our provinces, whose hospitals and classrooms have been placed under immense strain after a decade of Liberal mass immigration.
If the Liberals actually meet their commitments to hire 1,000 new CBSA employees, there will be a vast improvement in our country's safety. However, there is a track record that keeps leaving Canadians uncertain. My community has been under constant danger with the rise of extortion and gun crime. Given that I represent a border riding, it is abundantly clear to me and my community members that the smuggling of illegal weapons is largely responsible for the spike in crime. It has taken the lives of many and fractured dozens of families across my home riding.
Many members of my community no longer feel safe, as organized crime becomes increasingly prevalent. Families and young adults frequently ask me how they can protect themselves when incidents of gun violence occur in broad daylight. My heart goes out to those who have lost parents, siblings and loved ones due to extortion. Despite its concerns, the current Liberal government has not attended any vigils or community town halls on issues such as extortion, nor has it taken meaningful action to support our communities. This leaves many of us wondering why our concerns continue to go unaddressed by the current .
The gaps in this bill are very simple, yet they are being overlooked. We must hire more border personnel. We must deport foreign nationals committing crimes in Canada. The results will mean our communities will become much safer. Conservatives are calling on Liberals to listen to Canadians and implement the reforms needed to make our immigration system fair and efficient, serving citizens and newcomers alike. When we begin to see immigration as a movement of people rather than a movement of numbers, our ability to foster communities across our country will naturally improve.
Everyone in Canada deserves to live with dignity. If we start by ensuring immigration occurs in a thoughtful, responsible and sustainable manner, every person, newcomer and citizen alike, will have a better chance at succeeding. Those who are entering our country from any nation deserve to see Canada as a safe, harmonious and flourishing place. This vision is only achievable if we take care of our institutions that take care of us. Enacting high standards for our immigration system not only protects our livelihoods but places the Canadian economy in a stronger position to grow and succeed.
:
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak in the strongest possible terms against Bill , a bill that represents not only poor public policy but a profound abandonment of Canada's legal obligations, humanitarian commitments and democratic safeguards.
The legislation is not an effort to strengthen our immigration system. It is not an attempt to improve processing, bolster safety or address affordability. Rather, it is the latest chapter in a troubling pattern: Liberals and Conservatives competing to see who can scapegoat migrants more harshly. It deflects blame for successive Liberal and Conservative governments' own long-standing failures in their housing policies and economic planning. It preys on the fears and insecurities of Canadians in the face of an affordability crisis through the politics of division. It codifies in law the stigmatizing narrative that treats refugees as security threats rather than human beings seeking protection.
Contained in Bill is a one-year bar on refugee claims. What does that mean? It means that anyone who entered Canada more than 12 months before filing a refugee claim becomes ineligible for the refugee protection process that has existed for decades. The bar is retroactive to June 24, 2020, based on the individual's first entry into Canada. That means someone's safety is based not on whether they have a valid refugee claim or a claim of persecution, or that their life is in danger, but on some arbitrary date.
Experts across the sector, like the Canadian Council for Refugees, women's organizations and more, have warned us of the consequences. The Canadian Bar Association's Immigration Law Section was unequivocal. It said this bill risks “exacerbating rather than alleviating existing problems”, undermines Canada's commitments to refugee protection, and erodes the checks and balances fundamental to our parliamentary democracy. It further noted that the retroactive nature of the one-year bar is “particularly offensive to the rule of law.”
Amnesty International's Julia Sande said this bill judges people on how and when they enter the country, factors that have nothing to do with whether they need protection. She warned that under this bill, even someone who first entered as a baby for a single day and who, decades later, faces persecution due to war, political violence, their gender identity or their sexual orientation would be denied the chance to have their claims heard. A date on a piece of paper could determine whether or not they can have safe harbour.
We have seen the harm caused by similar rules in the United States, where one-year deadlines have resulted in refugees being deported despite having a genuine fear of persecution. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees advised Canada against this approach as far back as 1999, reminding us that under international law, the passage of time does not alter our obligation of non-refoulement, our duty not to return people to danger. These are not theoretical concerns. They are lived realities.
In a Canadian Press story from October 31, we heard from Asya Medea, a trans woman from Turkey. She came to Canada in 2018 on a student visa. As conditions for LGBTQ2S+ people in Turkey rapidly deteriorated, she filed a refugee claim 18 months after her arrival, a claim that was accepted in 2020 because the threat to her life was real. Under Bill , she would never have had that opportunity. She would have been barred from seeking protection simply because her claim came after 12 months. This bill would have sent her back into the hands of a state that was targeting her for who she is.
It is also clear that the one-year bar will disproportionately harm women, 2SLGBTQ+ people, survivors of gender-based violence and trafficked persons. The FCJ Refugee Centre explained that many survivors cannot file a claim within a year due to trauma, fear, coercion by abusive partners or complexities of escaping trafficking networks. Some have abusers who have already been deported back to the country of origin and are waiting for them. Under this bill, they would be stripped of the right to seek safety. They would be sent back into the hands of those who have threatened, harmed and exploited them.
The Canadian Civil Liberties Association made another critical point. The government's supposed justification for the one-year bar of deterring fraudulent claims is unfounded. Those intent on deception will simply file quickly. The people who will be excluded are those who delay filing because of trauma, confusion, language barriers or evolving circumstances. In practice, this bill punishes vulnerability and not fraud.
At committee, the NDP proposed specific amendments to protect survivors of gender-based violence, unaccompanied minors and individuals from moratorium countries. The Liberals, Bloc members and Conservatives all voted against them.
Bill also undermines due process, as it would deny individuals access to a full oral hearing before the refugee protection division. The , a refugee himself, said to not worry and be happy because there are safeguards and guardrails in place. What are they? He cites the pre-removal risk assessment system, a process with one of the worst records in recognizing legitimate need for protection.
The NDP proposed amendments to maintain access to hearings. We proposed reducing the severity of the time limit, even though all arbitrary deadlines violate basic principles of refugee protection. Every one of our amendments was defeated.
Bill does not stop here. It also grants the government sweeping unprecedented powers to cancel immigration applications, suspend processing and revoke people's status en masse. These powers can be applied to entire classes of people without individualized assessment, without due process and without clear constraints. Families who have lived and work here for years could wake up one morning to learn that their pathway to permanent residence has simply been erased, not because of anything they did but because the minister granted themselves the authority to do so.
The Canadian Bar Association expressed “grave concerns about the vague and undefined language throughout the Bill”, describing the power as “overreaching”, “undemocratic” and specifically insulated from normal regulatory scrutiny. It warned that, once granted, these powers “will be impossible to control.”
Amnesty International reinforced this warning, noting that the bill opens the door to politically driven decisions capable of destabilizing lives, separating families and uprooting people who have built their entire future here. It cautions that this legislation risks violating international law, including the right to a fair and effective asylum procedure, the right not to be deported to danger and the prohibition on discrimination.
The NDP proposed two amendments to impose parliamentary safeguards so that any such order would require scrutiny, committee review, a tabled framework and statutory oversight. We also proposed defining “public interest” in a way that aligns with public safety, public health and genuine security concerns. These amendments were rejected by the Liberals, Conservatives and the Bloc. Instead, the Liberals adopted a sweeping and overly broad definition of “public interest”.
This bill reflects an immigration system where decisions can shift overnight and where people are denied hearings, appeals and due process, a system disturbingly reminiscent of the worst policies of Trump south of the border. The bill is not about system integrity. It is not about public safety. It is an attempt to appease Donald Trump and import a Trump-style agenda into Canadian law. It trades in fear, division, scapegoating and misinformation.
The remaining provisions of Bill that target refugees only compound the harm. The NDP proposed 13 amendments in total. None of them was accepted.
This bill would not strengthen Canada's borders. It would not make our communities safer. It would not build homes. It would not address affordability. It would not shorten immigration processing times. What it would do is push refugees, migrant workers, students, families and survivors deeper into precarity. It would ensure our neighbours live with the constant fear that their lives can collapse overnight. It punishes people who are trying to survive, people who deserve safety and who contribute daily to this country.
Let us do the right thing and vote against Bill .
:
Mr. Speaker, first and foremost, it is important to note that in introducing the nearly 130-page document originally known as Bill , an act respecting certain measures relating to the security of the border between Canada and the United States and respecting other related security measures, the government was doing a complete 180°. I say this because, as I am sure members will recall, the Liberal government has mismanaged a lot of border crises over the past few years. I am thinking in particular of the wave of irregular immigration at Roxham Road, the human smuggling rings that sprang up at the border to take advantage of migrants and that continue to thrive, the Mexican cartels that set up shop at the border, the wave of car thefts at the port of Montreal, gun trafficking, and plenty of other examples. The Bloc Québécois believes that with Bill , formerly Bill C-2, the government is indeed taking a step in the right direction. However, we also believe that this bill, if passed, leaves one major problem unaddressed, and that is the staffing shortage at the CBSA and the RCMP.
Let us go back a few months. In its election platform, the Liberal Party promised to hire 1,000 additional RCMP officers and 1,000 additional CBSA officers. The Speech from the Throne mentioned the 1,000 RCMP officers, but there was no mention of the 1,000 CBSA officers.
The customs union is saying that the CBSA needs another 2,000 to 3,000 officers in order to do its job properly. Although the government stated that the border plan it introduced in December 2024 would result in the hiring of additional officers, I am sure members will agree with me that we are still nowhere near the staffing levels the union asked for, and nowhere near the number the Liberals promised during the election campaign. This is another broken Liberal promise.
In an effort to resolve this issue, the Bloc Québécois and the customs union are asking Ottawa to allow CBSA officers to patrol between border crossings. The aim is not to replace the RCMP, but rather to give federal agencies more depth and flexibility in enforcing the law. This would not require a legislative amendment, only a regulatory change, or maybe even just an administrative change. It really depends on whether the federal government is willing to implement more effective measures to secure the border, while responding to a request from current officers. This is a straightforward and practical request that is coming from the union, but we know what the Liberals are going to say: Why do things the easy way when we can do them the hard way?
The Bloc Québécois has been calling on the government to make changes for some time now. Overall, we are satisfied with the principle of Bill C‑12. We applaud the government's intention. The bill seeks to address several issues that we have been raising for months, if not years. Like all Quebeckers, the Bloc Québécois remains staunchly committed to welcoming people fleeing persecution and hardship.
The bill would mostly ensure that the system that welcomes migrants is fairer and more effective. I wish to commend my colleagues on the Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration and the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security for their tireless work on this bill. I am sure that like me, many members of the House have noticed that the important parliamentary work and committee work being done in this Parliament does not appear to be of much interest to the new of Canada. He seems far more interested in meeting with the leaders of what I will politely call countries with unsavoury reputations, such as China and Saudi Arabia. Meanwhile, parliamentarians are working diligently in committee to improve bills and to contribute to reports and recommendations on issues that are often complex and poignant. I am thinking in particular of the colleagues with whom I have the honour of serving on the Subcommittee on International Human Rights, as well as my peers on the Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration, whom I recently worked with to study Bill on lost Canadians. Our amendments to that bill received support from the majority of committee members, but they were stripped out when the bill got to the House.
Today, I must reiterate the importance of the work parliamentarians do in committee. I know that this aspect of our work requires a lot of rigour, precision and, above all, willingness to work together and improve things. Unfortunately, it is clear that this government does not seem to understand the amount of work that is involved in serving on a committee or the legislative scope of that work.
As I was saying, overall, the Bloc Québécois is satisfied with the principle of Bill , and we applaud the government's intention. However, several questions remain unanswered. I am thinking about resources in particular, but also about processing times for asylum claims, which I have to say are more than problematic. After analyzing the bill, I am having a hard time understanding how those processing times will be reduced. I quickly realized what the government is really doing with Bill C-12: It is transferring the influx of claims from one place to another and it is getting away with it by saying that it has solved the problem.
The public servants who process asylum claims and those who conduct pre-removal risk assessments have different training. That was mentioned in committee. Given that the training is different, the claims will likely just be transferred from one processing centre to another, which means that the overall volume of claims will not change. The claims will just be moved from place to another. Not only will the volume of claims not change, but the processing times will skyrocket. There will likely not be enough employees with the training to deal with pre-removal risk assessments. They will not be able to deal with those claims.
Obviously, my other concern is the distribution of asylum seekers. It is not right that asylum seekers arriving in Montreal suddenly find themselves without shelter because we lack the means to properly provide for them on arrival. Meanwhile, some provinces in the rest of Canada are doing absolutely nothing. They are making no effort at all to take in their share of these asylum seekers.
I want to remind the House that, in 2024, the former immigration minister, the member for , who is currently the heritage minister and is already making unseemly remarks, announced with great fanfare that he was going to form a committee and make sure asylum seekers were distributed across the country. It was all a dog and pony show. He held a big press conference alongside provincial immigration ministers from across the country. The federal government proudly proclaimed that it had finally found the solution. Since then, all that we have heard is dead silence. The committee was never mentioned again. The Liberals never came up with any more solutions. It is a damn shame.
As I was saying, we support the basic principle of Bill . I noticed the government's attempt to respond to the Bloc Québécois's priority request to remove the 14-day rule, which was included in the Canada-U.S. safe third country agreement and which has created a loophole that has been exploited by human smuggling networks at the border. However, in Bill C‑12, the 14-day rule was not dealt with in the right way. The actual impact of the alternative that has been proposed is pretty hard to pin down. Quite frankly, I think that the networks that are currently exploiting migrants will still be able to do the same thing even if Bill C‑12 passes.
Simply put, the safe third country agreement should have been reopened, as requested by the Bloc Québécois, so that this provision could be removed, because that would have put an end to the exploitation of vulnerable people at the mercy of smuggling networks. The government decided otherwise, but I do not think people understand the extent to which human smuggling networks take advantage of the 14-day rule. We talk to people on both sides of the border, in the United States and here in Quebec and Canada, who work with migrants and try to help them. These people tell us that human smugglers are using the 14-day rule.
They used to just ask migrants for money to smuggle them across the border illegally. Now, they add a clause to the contract saying that they will smuggle them across illegally and, as a bonus, they will hide them for 14 days. After hiding for 14 days, migrants can apply for asylum. The thing is that these people, who have to hide for 14 days because of this provision in the safe third country agreement, are at the mercy of human smuggling networks for 14 days and do not dare to leave their hiding place because, if they do, their asylum claim might no longer be valid.
It is frankly mind-boggling. The same legislation tells migrants that they have to break the law in order to comply with the law. If they cross the border irregularly, then they have to hide in the country for 14 days. Once they have done that, once they have broken the law, they can apply for asylum, and their application will be admissible.
What G7 government asks people to break the law in order to comply with it later?
:
Mr. Speaker, it is an honour to rise this morning on behalf of my neighbours in Oshawa to speak to Bill .
One issue has constantly been at the top of the list for the people I speak to and represent, and that is safety. They want the government to fix its broken border and immigration system and restore public safety. This concern is not limited to Oshawa, of course. Across Canada, people are living in a country they barely recognize, and they worry about the violence in their communities, about dangerous drugs devastating neighbourhoods, about weak border controls and about a chaotic immigration system. They worry that their government is failing in one of its most basic responsibilities, which is keeping Canadians safe.
For over a decade, the Liberal government has promised the opposite. It has promised safer communities, stronger borders and a credible immigration system. After 10 years, the results speak for themselves: Crime is up, border enforcement is down, hard drugs are more accessible than ever and confidence in our immigration system has collapsed. Canadians are justified in asking why this government refuses to take responsibility. This is the context in which we are debating Bill , the strengthening Canada's immigration system and borders act.
The bill before us is the government's attempt to convince Canadians that it now wants to repair the very problems it created. We are being told it will strengthen border processes, improve enforcement, remove individuals who pose risks and restore confidence in the system.
Canadians have heard these promises before. They heard them when the government weakened bail laws in 2019 and insisted that everything was fine. They heard them when violent repeat offenders were released time and time again. They heard them when the government claimed its drug policies were working while overdoses increased. They heard them when the government claimed that the border was secure while irregular migration surged. Canadians are right to be skeptical.
As a member of the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security, I studied Bill closely. It became very clear, quickly, that the bill is incomplete and does not address many of the core concerns Canadians have raised.
Conservatives approached this process in good faith. We were ready to work, ready to improve the bill and ready to deliver solutions. Unfortunately, the government showed little interest in rising to the seriousness of the moment. Too often, it dismissed legitimate concerns and brushed aside constructive proposals, even when those proposals were aligned with what frontline and academic experts have been calling for.
We listened to expert witnesses, examined the details and brought forward roughly 40 substantive amendments focused on enforcement, accountability, border security and removal processes. These amendments were practical and grounded in the concerns Canadians voice every day. I want to thank the member for for her leadership on the immigration components of the bill, and the member for for his contributions. Their expertise ensured that our amendments were well researched and solutions-oriented.
Our amendments targeted the major gaps in Canada's border and immigration enforcement system. We clarified what serious criminality means under the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, ensuring that convictions for indictable offences, including hybrid offences proceeded by indictment, are treated as serious for immigration purposes. This is simple common sense. We addressed endless deportation delays by stopping repeat removal risk assessments when there is no new evidence. Canadians expect that when someone is found inadmissible for public safety reasons, the removal actually happens.
We also modernized outdated timelines and procedures so that removal orders could be enforced more predictably. We strengthened the asylum system by deeming a claim abandoned if a claimant returns to the country they claimed to be fleeing for safety. We added quarterly reporting requirements to bring transparency to asylum pressures and costs. We gave decision-makers better tools to dismiss clearly fraudulent claims, and we placed clear limits and oversight on the extraordinary powers in part 7 of the bill, which would allow the government to extend en masse, cancel or modify immigration documents.
We insisted on transparency and parliamentary oversight so that temporary resident status could not be modified behind closed doors. These were reasonable, constructive amendments. Some even received support from our colleagues in the Bloc Québécois, yet the Liberals rejected far too many of them and in some cases attempted to gut the ones that did pass.
The safety of Canadians should not be a partisan issue. We expect a government that secures the border, enforces the laws, and manages immigration with competence and fairness. Instead, they have watched trust erode year after year. We have seen cases where individuals who clearly pose a risk to Canadians were not removed quickly, even when removal was fully justified. These failures compromise public safety and undermine confidence in the entire immigration system.
When trust collapses, the system itself begins to break down. This debate matters, because Canadians want real solutions. They want a system that prioritizes safety, fairness and order. They want an immigration system based on common sense, not on political messaging that works for a time.
In Oshawa, I hear this often from newcomers who followed every rule and are proud to be Canadian. They are frustrated by a system that no longer operates predictably or fairly. I hear it from long-time residents who support strong, sustainable immigration but want it managed securely and transparently. They want a system that rewards honesty, not loopholes. They want a border policy that treats public safety as a priority, not as an afterthought.
These voices are not extreme. They are not partisan. They are simply asking for competence and responsibility from their federal government. Canadians want compassion, but they also want accountability. They want a system that works, so if the government wants to restore trust, it must acknowledge the consequences of its own policy.
Conservatives believe in safe communities, secure borders and an immigration system that is firm, fair and focused on public safety as well as success. We believe trust must be rebuilt, and that begins with leadership, so I say again, if the government wants to restore trust, it must acknowledge the consequences of its own failed policies, give law enforcement and border officials the tools they need, and bring accountability back to a system weakened for nearly a decade.
We talk about trust, and it is at this point I want to mention that the members opposite in earlier questions and comments were talking about Bill and swiftly passing it, and simultaneously, their colleagues in the justice committee, as we speak, are actively blocking Conservative unanimous consent motions to move to Bill C-14. Again, this Liberal government speaks out of both sides of its mouth. It does not know what it wants to do and does not even really care, and that is the saddest part of it all.
My neighbours in Oshawa want a government that takes public safety seriously. They want order restored to our immigration system. They want leadership focused on results, not excuses. Canadians deserve better, but they should not fear: Conservatives stand ready to deliver better.
:
Mr. Speaker, it is certainly a great time to get up to speak. We are into the Christmas season now and kind of in that spirit. I was reading this morning about something the NDP interim leader, the member for , said yesterday. Apparently he had asked the to grant party status again to the NDP in order to, in his words, make the House “function better”. I do not think it is a good idea.
I was thinking that maybe the member was just continuing his comedy shtick from the parliamentary press gallery thing a week ago, which, by the way, I think was quite funny. He was not as funny as our , but it was pretty good. Actually, if we are in that mode, I have a better idea of something to ask the , and that is to grant Canadians what they really want, which is for him to go back to his job at Brookfield and allow the Conservatives to run this country and fix the massive problems we have.
Continuing on the Christmas theme, I want to give heartfelt thanks to all the support staff in this place. There are translators, pages, people in food services, security people and all kinds of staff in this building, including our party staff and all our own staff, who work so hard. I really want to thank all of them and wish them all a very merry Christmas.
I also want to give a special shout-out to the parliamentary dining room staff. They are always missed in the thanks. I am not a very good tipper, so this is my way to make up for that. Canadians would probably be happy to know that oftentimes many of us from different parties meet in the dining room and talk about substantive issues. We actually are able to talk with each other and get business done. I want to thank Lynn, Charles, Guy and all the staff in the parliamentary dining room, as well as my dining room colleagues I talk to many times; they all know who they are. I thank them so much and wish them all a merry Christmas.
I will move on to Bill . This was the marquee legislation of the government when it was introduced as Bill . Just so everybody is clear, Bill C-2 is the designation for the first bill introduced by a government. Bill C-1 is kind of a technical thing. The government members put all their effort into Bill C-2; it is the most important thing. Has anyone heard of the current session's Bill C-2? No, they have not, because it became stalled because it was a mess.
The pieces of Bill that the government could rescue came into what is now Bill , which is what we are debating today. This is part of the government's pledge to do amazing things at unimaginable speeds. Here we are, and there have been no amazing things done. In the whole year, I think the government has passed two bills. If that is unimaginable speed, then I do not understand the word “unimaginable”.
The purpose of the bill, partly, was to fix immigration problems around asylum and deportation, because everybody in our country knows we have tremendous problems in that area. There were some good things in it, but there were so many more things that we needed to do in order to properly fix our flawed system.
We proposed 27 different amendments, and I think eight of them were accepted, so there were many that were not accepted. I have to commend the Bloc, which worked very hard at committee to help. Its members put forward some of their own ideas, we put forward ideas, and we were able to work together and get the committee to agree to a lot of things.
Even the Liberals agreed to some things, but then of course had the Speaker turn them down once they came to the House. For example, with respect to foreign criminals, we had created an amendment that would deport people convicted of serious crimes, because there are many cases where judges are letting immigrants get lesser penalties. However, that amendment was not passed by the Liberals.
Our asylum system is so broken. There is a story today from British Columbia, where 14 people were identified by the British Columbia extortion task force and were charged with extortion. A lot of effort was put into this. Extortion is a big problem right across the country, but particularly in B.C. Guess what all 14 of these newly charged people did. They claimed asylum, so their charges are now on hold because they are in the asylum system. It is probably a four-year wait, and of course they get benefits. They receive all the wonderful benefits we choose to give to people who are claiming asylum, even though we know the claims are illegitimate.
We put forward an amendment to automatically reject asylum claims from any non-Canadian guilty of a serious offence, but of course it was rejected by the Liberal government. We put forward many amendments to restore sanity to the asylum system, such as that lying to an officer would result in an automatic removal, that knowingly withholding information would automatically terminate a claim and that not showing up or not complying with basic requirements would terminate a claim.
We also proposed that once someone had been denied, but then appealed, only emergency health care would be provided. That was rejected. We also proposed that designated learning institutions be on the hook when they bring someone into the country and that person claims asylum, but that was also rejected by the Liberals.
We did work on human trafficking, trying to get amendments for tougher penalties to protect victims, but of course the Liberals voted no. We also put forward amendments on transparency so we could bring back some basic transparency on reporting. Often we have to do deep questioning and written questions to the government to try to find answers, and the government refuses to provide some of that information. Some of the amendments were passed, but not all of them, and some of them were stripped out.
Probably the biggest success the Conservatives got was that we proposed that the government would not be able to do mass conversion of temporary residents to permanent residents; that amendment was accepted. We also proposed that the government would not be allowed to give mass extension to temporary residents with student visas and things like that.
The bottom line is that we worked very hard to toughen up and fix our weak system. Unfortunately the Liberals blocked most of this work.
Speaking of working hard, I want to mention that we on this side of the House have put a lot of effort and work into improving our immigration policies. A lot of people think the opposition's job is to oppose, and it certainly is, but we also want to propose solutions, so we have proposed many. Our entire caucus worked very hard under the leadership of our shadow minister for immigration, who is the member for . She worked very hard and did a great job of making sure we had substantive policies that would actually help to fix our country.
For example, we worked to restore the value of citizenship. That is a problem we have in our country right now. For example, we were very concerned about Bill . It is the bill that would generate endless chain migration, which allows people not born in the country to become citizens, have their children not born in the country become citizens, and on and on. We tried very hard to put some common-sense amendments in the bill, which, of course, were rejected.
The other big one is online citizenship ceremonies. The one-click online citizenship ceremonies are still, certainly in Saskatchewan, the majority of the ceremonies. For many newcomers to our country, the ceremony is the most important thing to them in this phase of their life. To have them sitting behind a computer at home because it is expedient for the department is just embarrassing, frankly. It does not convey the true purpose and meaning of becoming a Canadian citizen. We pushed hard to eliminate the online ceremony, and the government is, I think, slowly moving in that direction, but not fast enough, in our opinion.
We suggested an end to the temporary foreign worker program. There is a youth jobs crisis in our country right now; the unemployment rate for Canadian youth is hovering around 15%, which is far too high. The temporary foreign worker program is part of the reason.
Of course we need to consider agriculture and some other considerations, but generally we have way too many temporary foreign workers, and we do not need our immigration minister to be the chief HR officer for a place like Tim Hortons. I have nothing against Tim Hortons, but there are many Canadians who could work there. The confirmed, by the way, just a couple of days ago, that the program is staying. She said that nothing is going to be changing there.
We worked hard to restore the sanity of sentencing immigrant criminals. The member for introduced Bill to end sentencing reduction for immigrants. This is a big issue. An editorial in The Globe and Mail said that judges in our current system “are protecting non-citizens from the consequences of their criminal conduct”, and the author lamented that no one seems to consider “whether Canadians would want those offenders as citizens” in the first place.
Essentially, judges look at the current rules, which say that if a non-citizen is convicted of a serious crime with a sentence of six months or more in jail, they have to be deported, and they reduce the sentence to below six months so it does not affect the non-citizen's citizenship status, which we think is wrong. There should be one standard for all people. Whether they are a Canadian citizen or non-Canadian citizen, the same standard should apply, and that is not the case.
Of course, there is ending the pull factor for asylum, including getting rid of free hotel rooms, endless medical benefits, and departure tracking, which are other things we do not do in our country that the Conservatives have some good policy ideas for.
There are so many things that we worked hard on this year in order to provide good policy solutions for the government. Pretty much all of them were, of course, rejected, but the bottom line is that we worked hard on them. We believe that we can fix our system, but there are so many things that need to be done.
The Liberals took the lazy route with Bill and did the bare minimum number of things that need to be done, but there is so much more. Conservatives will continue to work to fix legislation like C-12 and continue to propose solutions to make this country better and to make our immigration system work better.
Once again I wish everyone in the House a merry Christmas.
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Mr. Speaker, it is always a pleasure to rise on behalf of the people of Windsor West, and I am grateful for the privilege they have given me by sending me here to the House.
I rise today not just as a legislator but also as someone who spent nearly three decades in policing. Of those three decades, two decades were in policing a border community. In Windsor, the border is not a distant concept; it is part of our daily rhythm. Families cross it every morning for work or school. Trade pours through it every minute, and criminals try to exploit it every day and night. That was my lived reality for nearly 30 years in uniform.
When we work the front line in a border city, we see things that do not make the evening news. We see the family torn apart by fentanyl. We see the gun trafficked across the river showing up at a crime scene. We see CBSA officers struggling with outdated equipment, short-staffed shifts and facilities that were never meant to handle the volume they do today. We see police officers, good and dedicated people, being asked to carry the weight of government policy failures.
I remember hearing countless officers I worked with say that they are covering every gap in the system there is. That is not a complaint. It is a sober description of the reality on the ground. They are right. We are responding to mental health crises because mental health supports are not there. We are responding to addiction because treatment beds are not available. We are responding to violent offenders because bail laws send them back out the door soon after their arrest. In border communities like mine, we are responding to the consequences of smuggling operations that exploit every weakness in the system.
Former Dallas police chief David Brown, in a moment of reflection during the funeral service for five of his police officers killed in action, said that society asks police to solve every problem but only equips them for one. That line has stayed with me for years because it captures, exactly, our lived reality.
It is the same pattern with Bill . The Liberals talk about strengthening the border, but this bill does not deal with the fundamentals. It adds responsibilities without adding resources. It expands authorities without addressing bail failures. It gestures at privacy protections while leaving gaps big enough for any government to drive through. It completely ignores the fact that CBSA officers in places like Windsor are being stretched thinner than ever. Windsor residents are not fools. They understand the realities of living next to the busiest international crossing in North America. They know the risks, they know the pressures, and they know when Ottawa is not listening.
Let me be clear about the lived reality these folks face: CBSA officers in my region are trying to intercept dangerous drugs and firearms with equipment that belongs several other decades behind us. They are understaffed. They are overburdened. Some units run at minimum manpower every day. While the officers do heroic work, government after government has failed to give them the tools that match the scale of their responsibility.
This bill pretends those challenges do not exist. It assumes that if we simply legislate more expectations, outcomes will magically flow. However, in policing, and in border work especially, expectation without capability is a dangerous combination. It does not work. This bill fails to address the things police officers and families talk to me about all the time. It does not fix the catch-and-release bail system that puts repeat violent offenders back into neighbourhoods before police finish their paperwork. It does not introduce mandatory sentences for fentanyl traffickers, the very people fuelling the deaths we are seeing in our emergency rooms; we have lost nearly 50,000 people since 2015. It does not impose mandatory jail terms for gang members caught with illegal firearms. It does not prevent house arrest for serious and violent crimes that devastate families and communities.
When I talk to parents, they tell me they want their kids to be safe while they are walking to school. They want their neighbourhoods to be stable. They want drug use and trafficking to be addressed at the source, not just managed on a street corner, yet at the committee, the could not commit to stopping fentanyl consumption from taking place near schools or day care centres.
In Windsor, we understand what that means. We have seen neighbourhoods destabilized because the government failed to draw basic, common-sense lines. The bill even gives the Canadian Coast Guard expanded surveillance powers, but it does so without the guardrails that prevent overreach or misuse. The Conservatives fought to make sure the Minister of National Defence, not a patchwork of agencies, is accountable for how those authorities are used. That matters in a free society.
At the end of the day, this comes down to something very simple: trust. People in Windsor trust institutions when those institutions prove they understand reality, but this bill does not reflect the reality that border communities like mine live every day. It reflects talking points, not lived experience. As someone who has spent his career responding to the consequences of weak laws and under-resourced agencies, I can say exactly what works and what does not.
We need real bail reform, not more slogans. We need mandatory jail time for fentanyl traffickers and violent gun offenders. We need strong privacy protections, not blank-cheque powers. We need accountability for expanded surveillance authorities. We need CBSA resourced properly with modern equipment, adequate staffing and the capacity to interdict smuggling before it hits our streets. Above all, we need a government that understands safety and freedom must go hand in hand.
Windsor knows the truth. We live on the front line. We feel the consequences of Ottawa's decisions faster and harder than most people do in the rest of the country. What we see today is a bill that does not rise to the moment, unfortunately. After three decades in policing, I will say this plainly: We cannot protect a border, protect a community or protect a country with wishful thinking. We need clear laws, real consequences, strong institutions and a government willing to prioritize public safety over politics. The bill fails that test.
The people of Windsor have been saying this for years: It is time for change.