We had testimony, primarily at the beginning, from those who helped the NDP write this bill--which we questioned: to what extent did they help write the bill, and what was that motive?
Chair, we were surprised to hear from everyone but the NGOs that this was a bad bill, a dangerous bill. It would create uncertainty throughout industry and could retroactively remove all existing permits.
We heard that it could jeopardize the existence of Hydro-Québec and its operations. We heard from shipping. We heard from the Canadian Chamber of Commerce. We heard from legal experts. The common theme, other than from the NGOs that we heard, was that the bill was not redeemable and should not go forward.
Some of the legal input we heard from the witnesses is incorporated into the motion. Actually, most of what we heard is incorporated in it. So it's relevant and I think the motion is very appropriate.
We also heard, Chair, that Ontario and Quebec already have legislation for an environmental bill of rights. Their legislation does have some restrictions so that there is what people in Quebec and people in Ontario believe to be a balanced approach for an environmental bill of rights.
The concern with the coalition bill now...and I call it a coalition bill, Chair, because unfortunately, every member of the coalition supports this bill--shockingly, even the Bloc members.
:
It's to the point of order not about an accusation that Mr. Warawa was out of order because he's used the word “coalition” and has impugned the motives of the others. What I'm trying to say is that, ordinarily, coalition simply means a group of people who come together to support the same cause.
Of course, in this Parliament, because of the events in the House, that has taken on a more partisan meaning involving the Bloc, the Liberals, and the NDP voting together to pursue certain shared goals. Indeed there are times when occasionally an opposition party has voted with the government, and I hear shouts from across the way from people who lose votes talking about a Conservative such-and-such coalition.
So it's clearly a partisan term. In a way, it would be nice if we lived in a world where every time a partisan term was used, we could raise a point of order. But whatever we think of partisan terms, I don't think it's necessarily the proper subject for a ruling on a point of order.
Quite frankly, if it were the case that we were going to outlaw partisan terms, just in relation to this debate I'd be objecting, because lots of other times when partisan remarks have been made I've been the target. We should have an even application of these rules.
So whatever we think of partisan terms, I don't think it's a matter of a point of order.
:
Okay. I'll make my ruling, and it's going to be twofold.
First I'd read from chapter 3, O'Brien and Bosc, page 99, as follows:
As Speaker Milliken noted in 2003:
Speakers discourage members of Parliament from using names in speeches if they are speaking ill of some other person because, with parliamentary privilege applying to what they say, anything that is damaging to the reputation or to the individual, … is then liable to be published with the cover of parliamentary privilege and the person is unable to bring any action in respect of those claims.
We don't want to name individuals, so if Mr. Warawa was naming a particular member, then it would be out of order.
However, it says on page 93, under “Importance of Freedom of Speech”, the following:
Freedom of speech permits Members to speak freely in the Chamber during a sitting or in committees during meetings while enjoying complete immunity from prosecution or civil liability for any comment they might make. This freedom is essential for the effective working of the House. Under it, Members are able to make statements or allegations about outside bodies or persons, which they may hesitate to make without the protection of privilege. Though this is often criticized, the freedom to make allegations which the Member genuinely believes at the time to be true, or at least worthy of investigation, is fundamental. The House of Commons could not work effectively unless its Members are able to speak and criticize without having to account to any outside body. There would be no freedom of speech if everything had to be proven true before it were uttered. In a ruling on a question of privilege in 1984, Speaker Bosley affirmed that “the privilege of a Member of Parliament when speaking in the House or in a committee is absolute, and that it would be very difficult to find that any statement made under the cloak of parliamentary privilege constituted a violation of that privilege.”
So based on that ruling, I'm going to allow Mr. Warawa to continue, as long as he is respectful in his comments and not naming individual members and demeaning an individual member's reputation. But he does have the freedom and the right to speak, and I believe the word “coalition” is in order.
Again, I am not attempting to impugn anyone's reputation. As I said before, I respect each of my colleagues across the way. I just don't agree with them together supporting a very bad bill, a bill that would hurt Canada, a bill that would hurt Canada retroactively.
We heard from the witnesses that every existing facility, facilities like Hydro-Québec, an action could be taken against them--facilities that are permitted, after billions have been invested into facilities, after years and years.... I believe in the testimony the figure of about 14 years was used in terms of actually seeing a facility built.
During those 14 years there were consultations, involving meeting with first nations, meeting with scientists, meeting with ENGOs, meeting with other governments, and then making their proposals. After years and years of having it be critiqued, then there was the cost to actually construct the facilities. And to see all of that being jeopardized....
Again, Mr. Chair, without any attempt to impugn anybody, I am baffled by how members of the Bloc...not the individuals I see across the way, whom I respect. It's the position; they are a part of the Bloc Québecois, and how they would support a piece of legislation that could attack the very foundation of Quebec....
I'm so glad that we have the member beside me--
I will make every attempt to be respectful.
I expect the Bloc to be supporting this because of the way they have voted and spoken to this point. Now, if I am getting indications from my colleagues across the way--which, again, I respect--and they are hinting that they are going to be opposing this, then good on them. But to this point that hasn't happened. I hope that wisdom will prevail, that they will stand up for Quebec, and that they will vote against this.
We are going to have a vote very soon on this motion. The right thing to do is to kill the bill. Who said that? Well, every speaker, every witness that came to this committee, including the Canadian hydroelectricity association.... They were asked if the bill should be amended. They had recommendations, but they were asked if the bill should be killed or should be amended.
Mr. Chair, the blues will show that it was you who asked that question. I think it's a relevant question. Just at the end of their testimony, that's what you asked them: do you want to see this bill amended or do you want to see it killed?
I actually want to thank Mr. Bigras, because no matter how he said it, the end result was that I was able to find that quote and was able to read it, and even his invitation to read this into the record. So again, I want to thank him for that interruption.
Of course, we had a one-hour interruption in the House by the Bloc, taking us off track and not working on what we were supposed to be doing. They, through mischief, caused a vote in the House, and now I get to have time to be prepared and share this.
In the testimony—this is recorded in the blues—Mr. Matthew Firth said:
We have members in all provinces, none of the territories but all provinces, including Quebec, hydro workers, health care workers, municipal workers throughout the province of Quebec. I'm not exactly sure how many members in Quebec.
Mr. Ouellet asked a question. Then I raised a point of order and said:
I couldn't quite hear. Did the witness say that he represents people in Hydro-Québec?
To which Mr. Ouellet said:
Yes. Listen well and you will hear.
It's not a point of order because he's not listening.
And the chair said:
I think there's a problem with translation.
Very clearly we heard from Mr. Matthew Firth, with Canadian hydro association, and we heard from Mr. Ouellet, saying that he represents Hydro-Québec.
An hon. member: [Inaudible--Editor]
Mr. Mark Warawa: I said:
Did the witness say that he represents people in Hydro-Québec?
Mr. Ouellet said “Yes”.
Now, Chair, we heard from Mr. Jacob Irving, and this was your question to him:
I just want one clarification as chair. In your presentation and in your responses you definitely have reservations about the bill. Would the Canadian Hydropower Association prefer that the bill be set aside or be amended?
Mr. Jacob Irving said:
There is probably opportunity for amendment, but it depends. Ideally one would like to see the amendments come through that deal with all of our issues, and then that's fine. But if those amendments don't come to the fore, then being set aside would have to be the logical choice.
So the concern we heard from the witnesses is this: will the bill be adequately amended or will there be unintended consequences? The concern I've heard is that Bill , entitled the “environmental bill of rights”, in actuality is anything but. It's a Trojan horse that would attack the rights of business, of Canadians. It would attack the rights of the foundation of fairness, of law. It would attack permits. It would attack the confidence within Canadian business and facilities in that everything could be up for an action against them, against appeal. Uncertainty would reign, and that would mean the loss of investment.
So the consequences of this Trojan horse...called Bill C-469. The fact is that every witness, other than the ENGOs, do not support this bill. Their number one recommendation is that it be set aside.
That's what the motion is. As I said before, the points that are in the motion are points that are provided by a legal counsel for the witnesses, and were incorporated into it. I believe they got those points right. I believe they are accurate.
Now, some may not disagree. Some may be willing to take a chance and think they can amend Bill C-469 adequately.
Chair, we momentarily will be looking at a lot of amendments. Some of those amendments came in at 2:13 today. In the spirit of fairness, I don't think amendments should be coming moments before this committee starts. How can we properly prepare when we have amendments from the Liberal Party arrive by e-mail at 2:13 today?
Chair, we have....
Is there a point of order?
:
Right. I saw those from the Bloc and NDP members.
The author of the bill, Ms. Duncan...her bill, along with the ENGOs. She has, I believe, 17 amendments.
How can any bill that is that substantially proposed to be amended now...? Will the witnesses we heard have confidence? Will Canadians have confidence, if a bill like this were to go forward?
One of the number one considerations in any regulation, permit, or environmental law is consultation with first nations. Was there any consultation or input from first nations? No. Should there be? Absolutely.
If first nations would be affected by this bill--if it went ahead and passed through the Senate, this bad piece of legislation—without consultation, would it withstand constitutional challenge? What a wrong way, I believe, to begin: to forge ahead without proper consultation.
I'm actually surprised that the NDP would want to forge ahead without proper consultation. But that's what we see before us today.
Chair, is the bill redeemable? Should we be trying to patch up a bad piece of legislation, an American type of “legislation by litigation”, a “kill the Alberta oil sands” bill, or a “shut down Hydro-Québec” bill? No.
This bill, I believe, is a Trojan horse. It's a bad bill. It's not redeemable. What is the solution? Set it aside.
I make my point.
Is quite unfortunate to see this filibustering reappear just when we stopped studying this bill. We have not had the opportunity to discuss it. Setting it aside without even talking about it seems to me to be quite irresponsible for parliamentarians. I believe our role is to look at the bills that are proposed in a fair and reasonable manner. Were we to just set it aside without having even looked at it, we would not play our role in as parliamentarians. Mr. Warawa could very well move his motion afterwards if we were unable to amend the bill according to his wishes. We should at least try to amend the bill according to our various requirements.
I do not agree with those who claim that all the witnesses said that the bill should be set aside. Some of them did indeed say so, Mr. chair, in line with their own interests, of course. We could easily see that. However, most of the witnesses said that this is a good bill or a bill that should be amended. I believe that is why we are here.
Amendments are being proposed, some of them even by the NDP. It seems to me that we should look at them without trying to delay proceedings or by taking too much time in order to get everybody fed up with this bill. As serious parliamentarians, we should look at the amendments one after the other. If after doing this work seriously, Mr. Warawa still believes that the bill is unacceptable, he would be able to move his motion. So, our first order of business, I believe, should be to try and see if this bill can be amended or not. My answer is yes.
First I would like to add a little fact regarding the Canadian Hydropower Association. I can only rely on what my assistant told me, but I did specifically ask her to enquire about whether or not Hydro-Québec is a member of the Canadian Hydropower Association, and the answer that came back to me was, yes, Hydro-Québec is a member of the Canadian Hydropower Association.
[Translation]
So, when the representatives of the Canadian Hydroelectricity Association speak, they also speak on behalf of Hydro-Québec.
Secondly, I have had a look at the amendments of the Bloc québécois. I think that, even if each amendment of the Bloc québécois were to be accepted, this bill would create uncertainty about the implementation of many development projects in Québec affecting fish and the last habitats of migrating birds, those affected by the Kyoto Protocol Implementation Act and those of Hydro-Québec or the government of Québec requiring federal-provincial cooperation. Even if we passed each amendment of the Bloc québécois, all those projects would be threatened by the bill.
In the debate to this point,
[Translation]
the members of the Bloc québécois said that it is necessary to
[English]
consider these amendments.
Amendments from the Bloc have been tabled and placed before me, and if they have not been tabled, at least notice has been given. Let me say that: notice has been given.
I have looked at the amendments that the Bloc has proposed, and I felt that in response to the comments in this debate about whether or not amendments can cure these problems, it was appropriate for me to say that having looked at the amendments for which I have received notice, I have concluded that they do not resolve the issues that I've mentioned.
Mr. Bernard Bigras:Je demanderais....
:
On the point of order, Mr. Bigras.
An hon. member: He's speaking to the point.
The Chair: You're right, but I'm going to make a ruling on this.
I don't need to hear any more points of order.
Because they are amendments that have not been moved for debate yet, we cannot discuss what has not been put on the table for debate. Notice has been given, but they aren't tabled, so you are out of order to talk to a motion that isn't before us for debate yet.
Amendments that we will be considering shortly are being made to the bill. Right now we're dealing with Mr. Warawa's motion to set it aside, so I'm going to ask you to stay away from the amendments.
As I ruled on Ms. Murray at our last meeting, until they're moved onto the floor by the committee member who is moving those amendments, they're not up for debate.
:
I will respect your ruling, Mr. Chair, and simply make my comments very general then, which is to say that the problems for Quebec and for other provinces from this judicial environmental policy bill cannot, in my opinion, be cured by any amendment. And it is inherent in the bill itself that it will encroach upon and interfere with the developments that the provinces wish to encourage, including those in Quebec and including Hydro-Québec.
That moves me to my next point, which is to say that this bill is so fatally flawed in so many areas that in my view it is beyond redemption by amendment. And the fact that we have already had so many amendments proposed in a way reinforces the point of view that this is a fatally flawed piece of legislation. It will end up being a Frankenstein piece of legislation if all these amendments that may come forward are grafted on.
I want to mention two things I see in illustration of the flaws in this bill. First, I'm going to mention a very specific but highly important flaw, and secondly I'm going to mention some themes that run through the whole bill.
As to a specific flaw, I would draw the members' attention to the definition of “precautionary principle”, which is found on page 5, in paragraph 3, of this judicial environmental policy bill. I want to point out that the definition is inconsistent, and I rather think deliberately inconsistent, with all other.... I'm sorry, “all” would be overstating it. It's inconsistent with most other accepted definitions of the precautionary principle.
The one I'm going to hang my hat on is the UN Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, which contains, as principle 15, a comment--
I will attempt to satisfy Ms. Duncan's curiosity about the relevance of the precautionary principle to Mr. Warawa's motion, because the third and fourth points of his motion refer to the fact that this bill does not allow for the balance of social, economic, and environmental pillars of sustainable development, and that it overlaps with existing aspects of federal legislation and policies, which give rise to redundancy or conflict.
As I proceed, and I can see this will have to be a little more detailed than I was planning, the precautionary principle, and the salient distinction in this act versus most other articulations of the precautionary principle, has to do with the question of cost-effective measures and preventing environmental degradation.
In this fashion, first of all, the precautionary principle spelled out in this act does not allow for an appropriate balance of social, economic, and environmental pillars of sustainable development. Secondly, it creates overlaps with existing federal legislation and policies, which give rise to redundancy or conflict because the precautionary principle is spelled out in other areas of federal legislation.
With that hopefully succinct answer to Ms. Duncan's inquiry, I was about to read from principle 15 of the Rio Declaration on the Environment and Development, which states:
In order to protect the environment, the precautionary approach shall be widely applied by States according to their capabilities. Where there are threats of serious or irreversible damage, lack of full scientific certainty shall not be used as a reason for postponing cost-effective measures to prevent environmental degradation.
This contrasts with the specific provision in the bill before us, which omits the reference to cost-effectiveness, and which talks about action to protect the environment rather than measures to prevent environmental degradation. Of those two points, the one that disturbs me most is the lack of reference to cost-effective measures, which is symptomatic of this bill's failure to balance the social, economic, and environmental pillars of sustainable development, as mentioned in Mr. Warawa's motion.
Apart from that, however, the Canadian Environmental Protection Act, 1999, also codifies the definition of precautionary principle, which was used in the Rio Declaration, in its preamble, and that act reads:
...where there are threats of serious or irreversible damage, lack of full scientific certainty shall not be used as a reason for postponing cost-effective measures to prevent environmental degradation;
I'm told that a similar definition exists in the Species at Risk Act, the Federal Sustainable Development Act, and the Pest Control Products Act. So in this bill, which is now before us, we are introducing a different definition of precautionary principle and this, of course, is a comment in support of Mr. Warawa's fourth point, which is that this bill overlaps with aspects of existing federal legislation and policies, which give rise to either redundancy, or, in this case, conflict.
The reason I pick on this particular point is that my research demonstrates that at the Rio meeting when this declaration was adopted, and in the debates around the Canadian Environmental Protection Act, there were parties who were opposed to inserting the qualifier “cost-effective”. In fact, the way it was described to me is that this was a bit of a flashpoint. But after serious debate and consideration and the realization that one ought to take into account costs—although we would love to say that we should protect the environment at all costs, even if we have to go back to igloos and dog sleds—we do have to keep in mind costs, and therefore, on sober consideration, almost everywhere else the phrase “cost-effective measures” has been inserted.
I can only assume that the writers of this bill are at least as well informed about these issues as I am, and likely made a deliberate choice to leave that out.
That's a specific concern that I have, but frankly the bill is littered with concerns of this nature or a similar nature. I want to mention three general themes that are objectionable in this bill.
One of them is in fact the one mentioned in the fourth point of Mr. Warawa's motion, about redundancy and conflict. I want to mention some of the evidence we heard the other day.
I do not have edited blues, so I'm going to try to paraphrase what I understand to be the evidence from Mr. Joseph Melaschenko, of Environment Canada legal services, who I believe testified that he thought there was some overlap between the Canadian Bill of Rights and this bill, in that the Canadian Bill of Rights already imposes an obligation on the Minister of Justice to examine the consistency of both government bills and regulations with the Canadian Bill of Rights. If this bill passes with the proposed amendment in it to the Canadian Bill of Rights, that statute will also include the right to a healthy and ecologically balanced environment.
So on that point of a healthy and ecologically balanced environment there will be an overlap, because under clause 26 of this bill the Auditor General will have to examine government bills and regulations for compliance with that requirement of this bill, which is a right to a healthy and ecologically balanced environment, but under the Canadian Bill of Rights, which will now incorporate the same requirement, the Minister of Justice will have to do the same thing.
Mr. Scott Vaughan, at the Auditor General's office, also commented on the responsibilities placed on his office under this bill and expressed concern with it. In my understanding, he commented that although the goal of ensuring regulatory consistency is important, he felt it was the responsibility of the government, not of the Auditor General or, speaking in his own behalf, of the commissioner.
In fact he pointed out that there were already mechanisms designed to ensure consistency and consideration of environmental implications in government policies and programs. For example, regulatory impact assessment statements must accompany every regulatory proposal submitted for government approval, and each statement must include various analyses and justification prior to implementation; also, the strategic environmental assessment of policies, plans, and program proposals. He as well as Mr. Melaschenko also pointed out the role of Justice Canada as the central agency responsible for providing advice on all legal matters.
It may be easy for us to sit around here saying we don't care whether there are two government paid offices doing the same job, but in point of fact this act is littered with redundancies of that nature. I think we have a responsibility to Canadians to not pass legislation that duplicates efforts.
The second theme—