:
I'd like to call the meeting to order, and I want to extend a very warm welcome to everyone here.
Bienvenue à tous.
Colleagues on the committee, witnesses, ladies and gentlemen, there are three items on our agenda today. The first item has several motions that I want to deal with. The second item is the inquiry that has been called for by this committee into the leaks.
I want to point out to members of the committee that we are on a tight schedule. We have some motions.
The third item on the agenda is the departmental performance report from the Office of the Auditor General, and also the report on her plans and priorities for the upcoming year. I would like to start that portion of the meeting at five o'clock, so I'm going to adjourn right at five minutes to five. Once we start with the motions, I'd ask that colleagues and committee members be judicious in their use of time.
Before introducing the witnesses, I will deal with the motions. The first item is a ruling on a previous motion that was made by Mr. Wrzesnewskyj requesting an investigation by this committee. At the time I ruled that it was not in order, and I'm going to confirm my ruling. I have the following reasons for the decision, which I want to read into the record.
On December 12, 2006, the committee was asked to consider a motion from Mr. Wrzesnewskyj that basically asks that the public accounts committee ask for an investigation into the leaks about the Auditor General's most recent reports of May and November 2006. Some members of the committee have contributed to the debate on the motion.
Mr. Williams pointed out that this committee has no capacity to communicate with the Royal Canadian Mounted Police to ask for an investigation and expressed the view that the motion was out of order. On the advice of the clerk as the debate was taking place, I stated that I was in agreement with that view. The powers given to committees are mainly to study matters within our mandate as stipulated in the Standing Orders, to summon papers and persons, but not to instruct or compel the Royal Canadian Mounted Police or any other government agency to conduct an investigation. Mr. Wrzesnewskyj indicated that his motion was a request to the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, and not an instruction.
After doing some consultation and research, I am comforted in my initial ruling by the Standing Orders, which spell out the powers of the standing committees as clearly stated in Marleau and Montpetit, pages 808-809, a copy of which has been made available to members of this committee. The member, I am sure, has other avenues he can contemplate to have the Royal Canadian Mounted Police conduct an inquiry into the leaks. Of course, any member or group of members is certainly free within their own prerogative to report or communicate to the Royal Canadian Mounted Police any matter they view to be relevant.
In closing, I want to thank all members for their contribution to this matter. That concludes that particular motion, colleagues.
I want to move now to the motion by Monsieur Laforest. I will read it for the benefit of committee members:
In light of the testimony the committee heard on December 12, 2006 and January 29, 2007, including that of Raymond Bélair, vice-president and general manager of Royal LePage Relocation Services, and Graham Badun, president of Royal LePage, and in order to explain to us the role she played as a lobbyist for Royal LePage Relocation Services, and thereby to explain the issue of registering in the Lobbyists Registry, it is proposed that pursuant to Standing Order 108(1) the public accounts committee call Sandra Buckler to appear as a witness as soon as possible.
That was tabled in the proper form by Monsieur Laforest, and we are going to debate it. I'm hopeful that the debate will be brief, and we will vote on it as a committee.
I'm going to ask Monsieur Laforest to speak to his motion.
:
Mr. Chairman, the motion I presented is a follow-up to questions I asked on two occasions, i.e., to Messrs. Bélair and Badun, regarding the mandate that had been given to lobbyist Sandra Buckler at a time when she had not properly been registered as a lobbyist.
The issue was brought to the attention of the Public Accounts Committee in April 2005. Somehow, the proposal that Royal LePage call on the Auditor General was only adopted six and a half months later. In the meantime, the president and vice-president of Royal LePage confirmed that Ms. Buckler had done lobbying work for the company. The questions asked of those representatives were intended to find out whom she had met and what her mandate was. On two occasions, those two people did not deny that Ms. Buckler's mandate was to ensure that the process not be completed.
Furthermore, it was well-known at the time, and even publicized in the media, that Ms. Buckler was in a very close relationship with a Conservative member of Parliament. We might want to further consider the following facts: when the Auditor General issued her report on Royal LePage, she indicated that the contract had been awarded unjustly and unfairly, but that same day, Minister of Public Works Michael Fortier stated that the contract was valid, and he did so without awaiting the Public Accounts Committee's report on testimonies given by the witnesses.
I am raising the issue of whether there is a link between the fact that Ms. Buckler is currently working in the Prime Minister's Office, that she lobbied for Royal LePage and that the current Conservative minister did not await the committee's recommendations before making such a quick decision regarding the Royal LePage contract.
These are the reasons why I am asking that Ms. Buckler appear before us. The purpose is for her to provide the committee with clear answers, which we have yet to receive.
:
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I'm not exactly sure where my colleague Mr. Laforest would like to go with this, but this whole issue came to light because the public accounts committee asked the Auditor General a couple of years back, or whenever, to conduct an investigation into this, and we now have this report tabled before us.
The reason the public accounts committee is dealing with this issue is primarily to find out why there happened to be a $50 million discrepancy between Envoy and Royal LePage—one bid zero, and another bid basically $50 million. Our job is to investigate the government; it's not to look into the private sector.
If I could quote the Auditor General, there was no suggestion of impropriety here, Mr. Chairman. I think the same concept was given to us by Mr. Marshall, the Deputy Minister of Public Works and Government Services, that while mistakes were made in the contract, there was certainly nothing inappropriate in the way it was handled, just the fact that through some, shall we say, lack of competence on some people's part, it didn't work out as well as perhaps it should have. And I think about Professor Franks, who was here last week, talking about the need for the public accounts committee to focus on accountability, not partisan politics.
We all know that Sandra Buckler now has responsibilities within the government, and if we brought her in, I'm not even sure what we would ask her to explain, because there was nothing in the Auditor General's report suggesting that Royal LePage did anything illegal, other than perhaps maybe double charging, but that's a different issue. There was no indication that Envoy did anything inappropriate. Nobody is suggesting that the government did anything inappropriate—incompetent, yes, but not inappropriate. It was basically a normal business transaction that wasn't properly put out to bid, and we are dealing with the fallout from that.
I don't know where we're going to go in bringing in Sandra Buckler, Mr. Chairman. Are we going to try to find out how Royal LePage does their business? Is it our business to find that out? Is it up to them to tell us because we just want to gain some political brownie points to bring in lobbyists and others to try to explain what they were doing? I think it's actually quite inappropriate, Mr. Chairman, and if the member wants to go down this track, it seems to me he's actually opening up a whole new investigation. If we did want to go down that way, it would have to go back to the steering committee and come forward as a report.
What exactly are we're trying to achieve here? I've always looked at the Auditor General's reports, and her report has been quite clear and categorical. We have a problem, we're dealing with it, and therefore I see no reason why we would support this motion.
:
The decisions around this contract on both occasions when the competitive process went ahead occurred and were made by government officials at a bureaucratic level and possibly, though we haven't proven it, at a political level. But Ms. Buckler was not in the government. She was not involved in the government decision. She was a lobbyist, as thousands of people are, but in this case she was a lobbyist for one of the firms that were competing.
We have here, from this letter, information that she met with a couple of MPs. I don't know about the rest of you, but the same thing is happening every day with both Envoy and Royal LePage having their lobbyists call our office, send us letters, and ask for meetings. That's what lobbyists do. I don't know what would be untoward about having a meeting with two different MPs or what would be unusual about that, given that there are two firms competing rather ferociously for this government business.
Other than the fact that she's now in the Prime Minister's Office, I don't know what makes her more interesting to this committee than the rest of the lobbyists who have been working on this file, and there have been many. They're here in the room every day we hold these hearings. I don't know why we're not calling them.
Perhaps it's not politically useful to the Bloc to have those other lobbyists up on the panel because they're not currently attached to this government, but frankly this government hasn't even made any decisions on the relocation contract, so she would not, as a member of the government, have been involved in any way, shape, or form in decision-making regarding the relocation contract. The only thing she's done—and this happened after the contract was awarded—was meet with a couple of MPs. Why that merits the committee's time, I don't know. But if we're going to have her, I guess we should get on to calling every single member of the lobbying teams of both Envoy and Royal LePage to find out all of their activities and ask them what they were doing and why they were involved. I don't see how she is relevant to this matter any more than the other dozens of lobbyists who have been involved in this matter going back several years, and I don't think the Bloc has shown it. The Bloc has shown that it would be politically interesting to bring the Prime Minister's communications director before the committee. The Bloc has not shown in any way, shape, or form that she is germane to our proceedings.
Thank you.
:
Thank you, Mr. Christopherson.
We heard the other side's arguments, including the fact that we should not politicize the debate. We in committee often meet public servants who assume administrative responsibilities. Committee members often complain that they do not receive all the answers they would like to have and that it is difficult to truly understand all the circumstances in a given file.
There is something here that is deeply troubling to me. The committee had to review the file that was referred to the Auditor General, but the motion was only adopted after much delay. And yet the matter is an important one, and the motion was finally adopted thanks to the initiative taken by my late colleague Benoît Sauvageau. He had in fact informed the committee, which was then chaired by a Conservative member, that six and a half months had gone by since this important matter had last been considered.
The witnesses that appeared before us left a number of answered questions. Namely, we still do not know why it took so long for this issue to be debated by the Public Accounts Committee. Why did this file take so long to reach the Auditor General? Were attempts made to obstruct the process? It appears that the lobbyist in this case met with two members. I think we should meet with her and ask her to clarify this issue.
Mr. Williams said that he'd not know what we should be asking of Ms. Buckler. I could easily suggest some to him. I think we should know exactly what kind of work she did with the members and what her reasons were. The letter that was given to us does not contain any answer in this respect. Why did Royal LePage, which already had the contract, have to hire a lobbyist? Was it to protect itself, or to prevent the issue from being referred to the Auditor General?
I believe that these questions have not been answered, and that is mainly why we should hear from Ms. Buckler. This is not a question of politics: we have to know what really happened and gain an understanding of the issue. It is a matter of transparency.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
On this one, I think it would be tremendous, and a show of support for the rank and file of the RCMP, if we were able to go about this in a fulsome way.
In trying to work with your concerns, Mr. Williams, of individuals being named, if you look at bullet point number two, the second last line, bullet point two could state, “the documentation which justified the termination of said investigations”. So we're dealing not with the nuts and bolts and individuals named but with the reasoning provided. The documentation provides the reasoning for shutting down the first investigation.
On bullet point three, it's the same idea. In the second last line, “the reasons for shutting down the Ottawa Police Service investigation, why further actions were not taken”: once again, that avoids the difficulty you seem to be worried about.
I believe the last one doesn't necessarily speak to any individual's criminality as such, so I think the last point could probably stand.
In that way we still get a more fulsome idea of the processes that took place and perhaps why investigations were shut down, while avoiding the difficulty of having reports before us that name people who may in fact be innocent.
:
I do. Thank you, Chair.
As a former Solicitor General of Ontario, I have reasons to agree with Mr. Williams' position, if not necessarily for those reasons. I think there are other good reasons we want to be very, very careful before we start asking for investigation files and the like.
I think the final compromise is a good one in that it still leaves open the option of going further if we're not satisfied and if it doesn't take us across those lines right away. So I would ask Mr. Wrzesnewskyj to give consideration to that, that it still leaves open the option of further steps if we're not satisfied. But I would have a lot of trouble accepting this as the first go-through.
But let me also say, Chair, that this is another one of the reasons there is a problem, in that there is no civilian oversight body with the RCMP. I admit straight up that we have the same problem in Ontario with the OPP. That's something that needs to be in place because—to answer your question, Mr. Williams, of who would we go to—that would be the body to go to. Otherwise, all we do is go to the government, and of course that's not always the most arm's-length relationship. So it does speak to needing that civilian oversight at some point.
But I would be very comfortable with this, Mr. Wrzesnewskyj, and I think it's a common-sense way to go. We can still take the step afterwards if we need to.
Thanks.
:
Now we are going to proceed to the agenda, the inquiry into the leaks of the Auditor General's reports.
Members of the committee, we have with us Sheila Fraser, our Auditor General, who is accompanied by Ronnie Campbell, Assistant Auditor General.
From the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, we have Brian Aiken, the chief audit executive.
From Public Works and Government Services, we have Daphne Meredith, associate deputy minister.
From the Treasury Board Secretariat, we have Mr. Alister Smith, assistant secretary, corporate priorities, planning and policy renewal sector; and we have Coleen Volk, assistant deputy minister of corporate services.
I want to welcome each of you to the committee.
Again, the committee takes this very seriously. It's the second time this has happened in less than a year. I'm not totally convinced that we're going to get to the bottom of it, but we want to assure ourselves that the proper procedures are being put in place and that we don't have a third hearing in six months' time.
:
Yes, I do. Thank you, Mr. Chair, for this opportunity to address the issue of our reports being leaked to the media before being tabled in the House of Commons.
As you mentioned, I am accompanied today by Ronnie Campbell, Assistant Auditor General.
As this committee knows, I take my relationship with Parliament very seriously. My office takes every reasonable step to ensure that our reports are not disclosed to the public before they are tabled in the House of Commons. Premature disclosure represents a disregard for the statutory right of the House of Commons to receive our reports and may represent a breach of parliamentary privilege.
Since 2001, 10 performance audit reports were leaked to journalists before they were tabled in the House of Commons. Although they represent a small portion of the 147 performance audit reports that we presented during this period, 10 leaks are still too many.
[Translation]
When we appeared before the committee on this matter on May 15, I outlined the safeguards we had in place to protect the confidentiality of our reports, and I do not want to take up the committee's time by going into those details again today.
I would simply like to remind you that we provide draft reports to the departments and agencies to validate facts, present our observations and recommendations, and give the departments and agencies the opportunity to prepare a response which will be published in the final version of the report. This is a critical stage of the audit process, but it clearly has some risks.
As part of our internal review of the most recent leak, we analyzed the article about the relocation chapter published in the Globe and Mail on November 8, 2006. The article appears to cite information from a number of sources: our draft chapter, information that is publicly available, and an unidentified source who appears to be familiar with the content of our report and the government's response to it.
As if often the case, it is not clear whether the Globe and Mail reporter saw a copy of the draft report or was verbally briefed on its contents. After this most recent incident, we reviewed our process with the RCMP, who had no recommendations for improvement.
We are satisfied that our processes are appropriate, and we do not believe that the leak came from our office. Nonetheless, we recognize that leaks—deliberate or inadvertent—are not acceptable.
[English]
Mr. Chair, we are taking further steps to ensure that the departments and agencies that are the subjects of our audits are following appropriate procedures to protect the confidentiality of our reports. During each audit, we will be writing to senior officials to remind them of their responsibility to follow appropriate procedures to protect the confidentiality of our reports. And we will not release draft chapters to departments until we have received written acknowledgement of these responsibilities. We hope these additional measures will make a difference in safeguarding the information in our reports. We are deeply concerned about this situation and we are prepared to take any practical steps to help resolve the issue.
That concludes our opening statement, Mr. Chair. We would be pleased to answer any questions committee members may have.
Thank you.
I'd like to start by stating clearly that we take this matter very seriously. We are very concerned about any leaks of sensitive information.
Maintaining the integrity and confidentiality of the work of the Auditor General is important, not just to the Auditor General and to Parliament but also to the government. That's why we conducted thorough internal reviews. Before sharing with you the main findings of our internal reviews, let me clarify that we conducted two separate reviews. After the leak of a chapter of the May report, the Auditor General asked departments to conduct individual reviews of document controls. Subsequently, after the leak of a chapter from the November report, the secretariat was asked by the President of the Treasury Board to conduct a review of document controls across the five departments that received draft chapters.
The key findings of our November review were that departments are confident they had in place the appropriate processes and controls to ensure the confidentiality of the draft chapters received from the Auditor General. Departments remind employees who are involved in the audit process, on a regular basis, of the responsibilities for ensuring that the work of the Auditor General needs to be protected. And departments are also putting in place additional measures to strengthen controls.
[Translation]
In short, the departments were confident that they followed the appropriate procedures to protect the confidentiality of draft chapters received from the office of the Auditor General.
[English]
Common controls in place in departments include having a central control point to manage documents, measures to control transmission of these documents, and procedures to store documents as well as to recall them.
In terms of the details of the review—and I will be brief, given the time and the fact that I've handed out my remarks—the first review was launched in June 2006 at the request of the Office of the Auditor General and was conducted by individual departments. The second review was launched in late November at the request of the former President of the Treasury Board. The second review was an interdepartmental review, led by the secretariat. It involved the five departments that had accessed the draft chapter of the AG's report on the integrated relocation program.
Both reviews focused on document controls and procedures and on reminding employees of their obligations. Our examination focused in particular on whether the requirements for protected A information—which is a classification assigned to draft Auditor General chapters—were being respected. “Protected A” means that the drafts are considered sensitive and are distributed on a need-to-know basis within departments.
As part of that second review, departments were asked specifically about the receipt and sign-in procedures for documents received; the transmission of these documents; their physical storage; and their recall, return, or destruction. Departments were also asked to identify any actions they were taking to strengthen the security procedures.
In summary, Mr. Chair, we have conducted thorough internal reviews of the processes and procedures. We are confident that we have the controls and procedures required for protected A information, and we will continue to make employees aware of their responsibilities.
[Translation]
In conclusion, I would like to underscore the fact that the government takes the protection of confidential information as a very serious matter.
[English]
We're committed to striking the right balance between having the appropriate document controls to ensure the security and confidentiality of the work of the Auditor General and maintaining the operational efficiency of the audit process. We have worked and will continue to work with the Auditor General and her team to achieve these objectives.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
:
Thank you. I expected that was probably the answer, because I hadn't seen a procedural change being the answer up until now, although if you're willing to, you could undertake some “blue skying” to just think about how we could do this from the beginning to the end.
But I have to tell you, at the end of the day--and this is my personal opinion--we're dealing with politics, not corruption, and not people who are corrupt. Quite frankly, why would anybody in the Auditor General's department leak anything unless they had some really personal reason or they were being blackmailed, unless there's some particular reason? Who would be stupid enough to work in the Auditor General's department and leak anything? It just doesn't make any sense. It's the same with the department staff, quite frankly. And the only one who could authorize that, if it was going to be planned, would be the deputy. I can't imagine that anybody would hire a deputy that stupid. The same applies to anybody below who thinks that somehow they're doing the deputy or others a big favour. Again, you're either into total incompetence or just outright corruption. You're somebody who shouldn't be working for the public at all.
What does that leave? It leaves us with the politics of the situation. And much as when you're dealing with a lot of other matters, who benefits? That's the first question you ask. In this case, let's just say that there were enough political dynamics to answer that question. It seems to me that the only way we're ever going to resolve this in any way, shape, or form is if there are greater consequences. Most criminologists will tell you that people commit crimes primarily because they believe they can get away with them. If they don't believe they can get away with it, they won't commit the crime, for the most part. That's the way most people think. In this case, 100% of the time, they get off. So where's the deterrence?
I'll pose a thought and then put a question. The question would be, what do other jurisdictions do, and how do we stack up in terms of our percentage? Are there any measures in comparable systems? In Ontario we had the same system--and you've probably faced it too, Ms. Sgro--and it's fair all around. I know when I was on the other side, I appreciated the chance to see that my department got to respond. We took our hits in the political arena, but the process was fair.
It seems that we need a process that says--and it's probably political people--if you do this, here's the grief it's going to cause for you and your colleagues. Then we have a system in place. I would suggest that we try once, while this is still hot...because we're not going to pursue this any further. Let's not kid ourselves. We're up against a dead-end alley here. We put in place a procedure for next time that's very draconian but very clear, and it says that the next time there's a leak, here is what we're going to do, and we've already decided it ahead of time. And we line up all those people we're going to call in, with heavy emphasis on the political side. I don't think it's unfair to suspect that your prime suspects are going to be on the political side. It just makes the most sense. We make it clear that everybody who saw that document in any minister's office is coming in here, even if we agree to meet extraordinarily, during weekends or in the evening. We try it once, and that says to the next person, you may not get caught, but here's the grief that you're going to cause everybody around you, and you had better weigh that into your consideration too, because this is not just a freebie where you get to set the headline and the political agenda the next day.
Barring that, we're going to be here over and over. There have to be consequences. That's the only thing I can think of: to make it clear and do it ahead of time. We publish it and say, here's what we are going to do and here's who we're going to call in and put on the hot spot and in the public domain; here are all the people who are going to have to come in and start talking to us. For the most part, people like to avoid coming here, I think. That would at least be something. Barring that, we're going to be back here again in a couple of months, or a few months, or a couple of years. But it's coming again.
Thanks, Chair.
I have a couple of observations to start with. The age-old problem of catching the person who is breaking the rules is as old as the hills. Any police department in the country will tell you that's the number one problem in any investigation: to find out who did it.
Naturally, if it's a serious matter, we all expect serious consequences and a deterrent value. Somebody in my group here, a famous person, has referred to the wet noodle treatment on the firearms registry. I believe it even went to the political minister at the time. It violated the Constitution of Canada, specific provisions of the Financial Administration Act, and the rules of Treasury Board, and what did the bureaucrats involved with that whole decision get? To quote my famous colleague, they got the wet noodle treatment. They're free; they're walking around enjoying their freedom without much consequence.
Quite frankly, this 800 Place Victoria thing troubles me to no end. It seems to me a whole slug of rules were either bypassed or violated here. We pretty well know what happened, but what are the consequences? It seems to me that this is a good discussion point, but when we actually do have clear-cut cases of people not obeying the law or the rules, not a whole lot seems to happen.
On the question of leaks too, I just want to put something in perspective and put a timeframe on it. In your term as Auditor General, there have been ten situations of leaks occurring. Do you know how many leaks have occurred in the period of time since January 2006?
We are pleased to be here and would like to thank you for giving us the opportunity to discuss our 2006-07 report on plans and priorities, as well as our 2005-06 performance reports.
I'm accompanied today by John Wiersema, Deputy Auditor General; Rick Smith, Assistant Auditor General responsible for strategic planning and professional practices; and Jean Landry, our acting Comptroller.
As the legislative auditor, we provide objective information, advice, and assurance that parliamentarians can use to scrutinize government spending and performance. Our financial audits provide assurance that financial statements are presented fairly, in accordance with Canadian generally accepted accounting principles or other relevant standards.
Our special examinations assess the management systems and practices of crown corporations and provide an opinion on whether there is reasonable assurance that there are no significant deficiencies in the systems.
Our performance audits examine, against established criteria, whether government programs are being managed with due regard for economy, efficiency, and environmental impact and whether measures are in place to determine their effectiveness. We make recommendations to address the most serious deficiencies identified.
All of our work is conducted in accordance with the standards set by the Canadian Institute of Chartered Accountants. It is guided by a rigorous methodology and quality management framework and is subjected to internal practice reviews and to external reviews by peers. All of this provides assurance that you can rely on the quality of our work.
During 2005-06, the period covered by our most recent performance report, we used $76.8 million of the $79.6 million in appropriations available to us and had the equivalent of 577 full-time employees. There's an attachment that details this. Our net cost of operations, taking account of services provided without charge by other departments and other smaller adjustments, was $85.3 million.
[Translation]
With these resources, the office carried out the following activities:
- it produced 18 performance audits of federal departments and agencies and 4 related-products; this number is lower than normal because, as a result of the 2006 election, our status report for February 2006 was postponed to May;
- it performed more than 100 financial audits, including those of the Government of Canada, Crown corporations, and the three territorial governments;
- it completed 11 special examinations of Crown corporations; it assessed the performance reports of three federal government agencies;
- it assessed the actions of 13 federal organizations in implementing 25 commitments from their 2001 and 2004 sustainable development strategies, and reported on the adequacy of government direction in preparing the 2004 strategies, and;
- it monitored 32 environmental petitions, 90% of which were responded to by ministers within the time limit specified in the Auditor General Act.
Our performance report contains a number of measures of what was achieved through our work. The performance highlights page of that report notes the following during 2005-2006:
We participated in 22 parliamentary hearings and briefings, 13 of which were with this committee. This is a decrease from 37 the previous year, and is mainly due to the dissolution of Parliament.
This committee endorsed 74% of our performance audit recommendations that it reviewed. Our target was 75%.
We met or exceeded our targets for the percentage of key users of reports and audited organizations that considered that our findings were reported in an objective and fair manner and that our reports were clear and concise.
We reported eight financial and performance audit internal practice reviews, all of which concluded that our audits were conducted in accordance with our quality management frameworks.
Our employee survey indicated that 82% of our employees believe the office is better than average or one of the best organizations to work for, and 92% say they feel proud to work for the office.
[English]
We have noted two key areas where improvement is necessary. By 2005, departments and agencies had fully implemented 44% of the recommendations we had made four years earlier. We would like to see a higher level of implementation. To that end, we have updated our guidance to staff to improve the recommendations we make, and we provided input to the Treasury Board Secretariat's review of departmental responses to our recommendations, as recommended by this committee.
Second, just over half the special examinations we completed in the current round were transmitted more than a month after the statutory date. One of our management committees is overseeing the development of an action plan to redress this situation for the upcoming round.
Our report on plans and priorities identified four priorities for 2006-07. Following the election, our first priority was to inform new and returning members of Parliament about our role, our mandate, and our work. We are continually looking to improve how our audit reports, testimony, information, and advice can best meet Parliament's needs.
In 2005, Parliament expanded our mandate. As a result, we are including foundations in our performance audit work and are expanding our financial audit and special examination work to a larger number of crown corporations.
We are continuing to modernize our audit practices to make better use of information technology and to focus our audit work on areas of highest risk. And changes to professional standards require an additional investment in methodology and training.
Recruitment and retention of qualified people to carry out our mandate is an important issue for the office. We face a higher workload, more retirements, and an increased demand in government departments and in the private sector for people with the skills and experience we need. We are developing a multi-year recruitment and retention strategy to respond to these pressures.
[Translation]
In earlier Estimates documents, and in discussions with several parliamentary committees, we had presented the need for a new funding mechanism for officers of Parliament. I am pleased that the Advisory Panel on the Funding of officers of Parliament was recently reconstituted for this purpose on a pilot basis, and that I had the opportunity to appear before it on November 23.
At that meeting, we were seeking the Panel's recommendation to increase our funding for 2007-2008 by approximately $4 million for ongoing expenses and about $2 million for one-time investments in technology (see Attachment 2). Our request for these new funds was primarily as a result of new and additional work resulting from recent expansions to the mandate of our Office and additional work that has been requested under our existing responsibilities. I am pleased that the panel has supported our request, and that the Treasury Board has approved this new funding.
In the longer term, our key budget unknown is the cost associated with the government's initiative to audit departmental financial statements. Additional unknowns are related to changes contained in the Federal Accountability Act and potential international audit work in support of the interests of Parliament and the Government of Canada. We will continue to monitor our financial requirements as these initiatives unfold, and we may need to consider seeking additional funding for future years.
[English]
My staff and I appreciate the continuing support that we have received from this committee. As I said in my introduction to our most recent performance report, your endorsement of our work is highly valued by me and my staff, and we look forward to continuing to serve parliamentarians in the future.
For members' information, I have attached the list of performance audits planned for reporting in 2007 and a preliminary list of topics for 2008. I hope this list will be useful to you as members of this committee. In fact, it may be of interest to all members of Parliament. In that light, unless you object, I would like to post this list on our website and continuously update it.
I thank you, Mr. Chair. My colleagues and I would be pleased to answer any questions that members may have.