Questions and responses 45th Parliament, 1st session May 26, 2025, to present

With regard to the Myanmar military junta’s planned December 2025 elections and Canada’s response: (a) what assessments has the government conducted regarding the legitimacy of the planned elections, including the junta’s control of the Union Election Commission, dissolution of the National League for Democracy and restrictions on campaigning and criticism; (b) what analysis has the government undertaken regarding the junta’s escalating violence in areas where it intends to hold elections, including airstrikes and forced conscription; (c) what diplomatic measures has the government taken to oppose the international legitimization of these elections, including (i) whether Canada will publicly commit to not recognizing the results, (ii) whether Canada has urged G7 member states to issue similar statements of non-recognition, (iii) whether Canada has engaged Asian and Association of Southeast Asian Nations partners to encourage coordinated rejection of the results; (d) what engagement has the government undertaken with the United Nations Credentials Committee and neighbouring countries to prevent international recognition of the junta; (e) what instructions, if any, have been issued to Canadian embassies and high commissions in Myanmar’s neighbouring states to encourage those governments to reject the junta’s election results and to support democratic actors; (f) what is the government’s current assessment of the humanitarian situation, including (i) displacement levels, (ii) weaponization of aid through regime-controlled channels, (iii) decreased international funding, (iv) the adequacy of cross-border humanitarian delivery mechanisms; and (g) what assessment has the government conducted regarding China’s support for the junta, including military assistance and expanded economic operations, and how is this informing Canada’s diplomatic approach?

With regard to the government sanctions on Myanmar: (a) how many and which individuals, organizations, and firms associated with the Tatmadaw are currently sanctioned by the government, broken down by (i) individuals directly employed by, or holding leadership positions within, the Tatmadaw, (ii) individuals associated with paramilitary organizations aligned or associated with the Tatmadaw, (iii) organizations and firms with links to the Tatmadaw, (iv) firms with business operations in Myanmar; (b) have there been any studies conducted that have examined the possibility of expanding sanctions against the Tatmadaw and associated individuals and organizations, and, if so, what are the details of each study; (c) has there been a measurable impact of Canadian and international sanctions on the ability of the Tatmadaw to conduct combat operations, and, if so, what is the impact; and (d) has the government assessed the links between the conflict in Myanmar and the illegal drug trade in Canada, and, if so, what are those links?

With regard to the legal and diplomatic status of the Embassy of Myanmar in Canada following Canada's non-recognition of the military junta that seized power in Myanmar in February 2021: (a) what is the current legal and diplomatic status of the Embassy of Myanmar and its accredited representatives in Canada; (b) what is the government's policy regarding engagement by Canadian officials with representatives appointed by or acting on behalf of the junta; (c) what assessment has the government made of whether the continued operation of the embassy is consistent with Canada's stated policy of non-recognition of the junta; (d) has the government received reports or complaints regarding surveillance, intimidation, or monitoring activities directed at members of the Burmese diaspora community in Canada by embassy officials or affiliated individuals, and, if so, what are the details of each, and what actions were taken as a result; (e) what mechanisms are in place to protect Burmese nationals in Canada from foreign interference or transnational repression linked to the junta or its representatives; and (f) has the government made, or is the government planning, any changes to the embassy's diplomatic status, privileges, operations, or accreditation since the 2021 coup, and, if so, what are the details?