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Results: 1 - 13 of 13
View Stéphane Bergeron Profile
BQ (QC)
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
Your Excellency, you have clearly demonstrated that the Normandy process and the Minsk agreements have no impact or effect on the situation in Crimea.
I assume that President Zelensky intends to unveil a Crimean Platform in order to address that gap. It is supposed to be unveiled this summer, hopefully on August 1.
Of course, I am not asking you to reveal intimate secrets, but what is the plan with this platform in terms of diplomatic, military, economic and other actions, in order to have Crimea returned to the fold of Ukraine some day?
Andriy Shevchenko
View Andriy Shevchenko Profile
H.E. Andriy Shevchenko
2021-06-01 17:15
Monsieur Bergeron, you have given a very good assessment of the reasons we want to go ahead with the Crimean platform.
I can give you a very practical example. It's about sanctions. At this moment, both the European Union and our major allies outside of the European Union have applied sanctions against Russia and those individuals responsible for the occupation and human rights violations.
However, the way we apply sanctions is so different. We assess the situation in different ways. We apply sanctions in different ways, and we have very different ways to monitor the implementation of the sanctions.
The coordination of this effort is long overdue. If we share our practices, if we bring our efforts together in monitoring the situation on the ground, and if we monitor together how the sanctions are implemented, they can have a much greater impact on the ground.
Canada will be a rock star among those nations, because you're quite good at actually following up on those policies.
View Stéphane Bergeron Profile
BQ (QC)
Your Excellency, am I to understand, between the lines of your answer, that the core of this strategy, this international Crimean Platform, is that you would like to see coordinated measures taken by a large number of nations against Russia, to ensure that the impact is laser‑focused, so to speak, and ultimately produces results, including Donbass and Crimea?
Andriy Shevchenko
View Andriy Shevchenko Profile
H.E. Andriy Shevchenko
2021-06-01 17:17
That is very fair, and that should be very efficient if we think about the different avenues of co-operation, security, human rights, economic policy and so on. We hope this will bring us closer to a good, successful, strategic vision.
View Peter Fonseca Profile
Lib. (ON)
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Can you tell us more about Canada's international engagement with regard to the current situation in the country? We sanctioned these nine military leaders through Magnitsky and the sanctions that we've put on them. Was that in collaboration with our partners? Are we doing this with the United States or with other nations? Can you drill down on that and let us know what type of collaboration we have with our international partners and how we are coming together to provide a stronger front?
Paul Thoppil
View Paul Thoppil Profile
Paul Thoppil
2021-03-25 17:14
As I may have indicated earlier, prior to the coup Canada already had in place one of the most comprehensive sanctions regimes on Myanmar as compared to like-minded partners, including the EU, the U.K. and the U.S.
As I indicated earlier, prior to the coup Canada had already sanctioned two of the largest military conglomerates, Myanmar Economic Corporation and Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited, as well as 42 other entities affiliated with the military.
In specific response to the coup, in discussions with our allies, we recently announced additional targeted sanctions on non-military leaders. We are in daily discussions with like-minded partners both in respect of capitals and on the ground in order to make further adjustments to the sanctions as warranted.
Michael Grant
View Michael Grant Profile
Michael Grant
2021-01-28 15:43
Very good.
In recent years, we have seen many initiatives on Venezuela, which sometimes has made it challenging for the international community. Going forward, one of Canada's objectives is to ensure cohesion in the international community and that it continues to work together.
We have also instituted a number of pressures against the regime, including sanctions on individuals, and we are beginning to work quite closely with the United Kingdom on the issue of illegal gold.
Valerie Percival
View Valerie Percival Profile
Valerie Percival
2020-12-01 15:39
Mr. Chair and members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to speak today.
I will discuss the global response to the COVID-19 pandemic in conflict-affected settings and Canada’s role in that response. I will conclude with recommendations for how Canada can better exercise leadership in these challenging contexts.
The committee has heard testimony regarding the social, political and health impacts of COVID-19 in fragile settings. These impacts will reverberate for decades and be exacerbated by climate change, global economic disruption and uncertain development assistance budgets. Unless the trajectory changes, these populations will be trapped in cycles of violence and fragility, with little chance of escape.
How has the world, including Canada, reacted? It is a tale of two responses.
One tale is inspiring. Networks of local and international health and humanitarian actors, researchers and advocacy organizations have identified health needs and marginalized groups, maintained health service delivery and planned for the rollout of testing, treatments and vaccines. The pandemic strained an already stretched humanitarian system. The system is far from perfect. It often fell short, but it has limited human suffering under difficult circumstances.
In contrast, the tale of the second response, global political leadership by states, is a grim and depressing one. As the UN Secretary-General stated in September, “The pandemic is a clear test of international cooperation—a test we have essentially failed.”
One response cannot work without the other. Health services and other humanitarian actors cannot fully and effectively respond to the impacts of COVID-19 without political leadership to facilitate and remove constraints to that response.
The impact of this absence of leadership has been acutely felt in conflict-affected settings. For example, states did not mobilize to offer third party security guarantees to enable COVID ceasefires to take root and transform into peace agreements. They failed to persuade governments to protect the rights of migrants and displaced people, and they did not effectively confront opportunistic crackdowns by authoritarian regimes.
In short, global political leaders did not develop and deliver a clear and unifying message for why international co-operation is necessary and a plan for how to carry it out.
Where does Canada fit?
Canada has provided important support to the first response—the work of humanitarian and advocacy networks. The government increased its funding of these organizations to support the health response to COVID-19. It brought critical attention to the pandemic’s impact on women and girls.
But Canada’s role in the tale of the second response—political leadership—is disappointing. Canada’s rhetoric soars, but our words are not followed by concrete action. Canada sits at the table. We observe. We coordinate. We do not lead. This is a missed opportunity.
Mr. Chair, I'm aware that you worked for the UN mission in Iraq. I am sure you saw the enormous potential for “difference-makers”: the power of leadership from experienced diplomats and coordinated action among states and stakeholders and how that leadership can curve the trajectory of conflict towards peace.
At this critical juncture for conflict-affected states and the world, how can Canada contribute to such leadership?
Canada can help the world develop a unifying message, craft a clear plan to address vulnerabilities exacerbated by COVID in conflict-affected settings and mobilize the international system, as well as Canadian institutions, to implement such a plan.
First, for the unifying vision for our engagement in fragile settings and elsewhere, I would suggest a simple one that builds on our feminist approach: Protect human dignity and promote human potential.
Second, to craft a plan to implement this vision, let’s learn from what has worked in the COVID response. We can support networks of civil society organizations, researchers and other stakeholders. We can facilitate connections between these networks and like-minded states. We can explore novel mechanisms to prevent conflict, stop violence and sustain peace, and we can use these networks to promote economic opportunities in fragile contexts.
Third, we can help mobilize the international system, as well as Canadians, to implement this vision.
Internationally, we could utilize our membership across diverse institutions to promote this approach. This would complement and support the UN Secretary-General’s call for “networked multilateralism”.
Domestically, we could harness the expertise of Canadians both at home and abroad. Canadian experts are leaders in the fields of diplomacy and mediation, humanitarian and development assistance, global health and advancing gender equality, yet too often, our government fails to tap into this expertise.
How is this different from what we are currently doing? This approach extends our feminist policy. It engages with networks to develop and implement this dignity agenda. Most importantly, it would ensure that Canada's rhetoric rests upon a foundation of action.
Thank you very much. I look forward to questions from the committee.
François Audet
View François Audet Profile
François Audet
2020-12-01 15:44
I'd like to thank the committee for inviting me. As I don't have a lot of time, I'll get straight to the point.
In response to your request, I've concentrated essentially on an analysis of the marginalization of communities and populations by the current situation. I'll talk about five observations and two recommendations.
The first observation shows that the pandemic appears to have had far fewer direct health consequences in poor countries than in rich countries. By "direct consequences" I mean health- and mortality-related issues directly associated with COVID-19. In fact, apart from some major exceptions, which are Peru, Brazil, Mexico and Ecuador, excess mortality, particularly in Africa and several regions in Latin America and Southeast Asia, is indeed much lower than observed in OECD countries. Where data are less reliable, in particular screening data, we use excess mortality as an indicator, along with cemetery counts and inventories. This provides a degree of rigour in the statistical data we use.
The second observation shows that if direct health consequences are below expectation, then the indirect consequences, as Professor Percival mentioned, are already observable. They will also have significant and lasting impacts on marginalized populations, including those that are victims of conflict. This growing vulnerability has been exacerbated since the early months by the withdrawal of humanitarian supply chains and by a significant drop in direct foreign investment, including a 28% decline in Africa and 25% in Latin America and the Caribbean. This drop is much less significant in Asia, which ia a reflection of the economic influence of China in the region.
The third observation is that the indirect impacts that exacerbate these vulnerabilities are very well documented. We were able to see this on numerous occasions in interviews we conducted recently. Among other things, trust in institutions was being seriously eroded, further stoking social tensions and conflicts owing to these growing inequalities. This was the case in Guatemala and Colombia, and in Zimbabwe, Gambia and Togo in Africa,.
As for access to health care, the International Committee of the Red Cross noted a few weeks ago that 30% of clinics had been destroyed in Mali by armed groups ifollowing the withdrawal of international humanitarian organizations. Another key vulnerability is food insecurity. This situation is well documented. In fact it was reported on in this committee. At the risk of repeating myself, I would like to point out that 55 million people were experiencing food insecurity problems in September. We are now speaking of 220 million people suffering from food insecurity as a direct result of the pandemic. I believe these figures were published yesterday. It's a major increase and truly a real-time analysis.
The fourth observation is that displaced populations, meaning those who are often called "migrants", today represent over 80 million people. As you know, some of them have refugee status. Displaced populations, migrants or those with refugee status are also extremely marginalized by this situation. The pandemic has led to the closing of most international borders, and hundreds of thousands of people are gathered at borders just about everywhere on the planet.This situation, which has unfortunately been observed in the Middle East and the Horn of Africa, significantly reduces access to health care and food.
The situation in Venezuela is also extremely serious. In recent months, 100,000 Venezuelans returned to the country. They had to because the border was closed owing to an economy that is literally in ruins, as it is in neighbouring countries like Colombia too. I feel an obligation to make this committee aware of the situation in the Las Claritas region, which is also in Venezuela. It's a vast Amazonian mining region in the State of Bolívar that is controlled by armed groups and traffickers. Las Claritas is also an ecological disaster, and a place where slavery, torture and murders go unpunished, as has been well documented in the context of illegal gold mining operations. The pandemic has made this zone more vulnerable than ever. The absence of local authorities, who are either accomplices or corrupt, and the trafficking in migrant Indigenous and other Venezuelans, have also been well documented.
My final observation was briefly addressed by my colleague. In the overall context I have just described, women remain the most vulnerable population. As we know, sexual violence has increased dramatically.
There are 7 million unwanted pregnancies in the world this year that are linked to the pandemic . These are clearly alarming figures.
I will now move on briefly to my conclusions, because my time is running out.
My first recommendation is related to the fact that it is important for Canada to maintain its leadership role in connection with the humanitarian localization agenda, which I took the liberty of translating into French as "l'agenda de la localisation humanitaire".
As you know, this approach to the localization of humanitarian aid, to which Canada has belonged since the "Grand Bargain" agreed upon at the 2016 World Humanitarian Summit held in Istanbul, was to transfer resources to local authorities. It has been clearly demonstrated that decentralization is the key to achieving sustainable humanitarian responses.
My second recommendation is related to the importance of scientific cooperation to provide universal non-protectionist access to vaccines. The current international humanitarian situation undeniably needs a vision of solidarity to ensure access to vaccines for everyone.
To conclude, I'm among those who think that the long-term indirect repercussions of the pandemic will be more serious than the pandemic itself. These repercussions are tied among other things to socio-economic inequalities, conflicts, famines, shrinking democratic space and the erosion of protection for women's rights.
I'd be glad to discuss and answer any questions you may have.
Thank you.
Thomas Bollyky
View Thomas Bollyky Profile
Thomas Bollyky
2020-12-01 15:53
I appreciate the indulgence of the committee and I'm sorry for the Internet connectivity issues.
I'll continue on the three interrelated conclusions from the task force report.
First, while confirmed deaths from the coronavirus are approaching 1.5 million globally, the most damaging and long-lasting humanitarian consequences of this pandemic may not be from the virus itself. During the West Africa Ebola epidemic, more people died from the lack of regular medical care, particularly treatment for malaria, than were killed by the Ebola virus itself.
Even in nations that have yet to experience explosive growth in COVID cases and deaths, the pandemic is exacerbating poverty and inequities in health care access and food security. A recent survey of 18 African Union members found about half the respondents were delaying needed medical care or health care visits. A similar percentage reported difficulty in accessing medication in the pandemic. The Famine Early Warning Systems Network has estimated that the pandemic has coincided with a 25% increase in food assistance needs continent-wide.
The World Bank estimates 88 million additional people will be put into extreme poverty as a result of the COVID pandemic. In some regions like South Asia, higher economic growth may overcome some of that poverty it caused, but poverty in slower-growing economies in Africa and in fragile states like Venezuela is likely to persist.
National governments have failed to use multilateral forums effectively to forge a collective response to COVID-19 or its indirect health consequences. A strategic rivalry between China and the United States has undercut potential action at the G7, G20 and the United Nations Security Council.
The lesson here is that multilateral institutions do not spring magically into life during crises. Their success depends on the enlightened leadership of their member states that should be willing to put their differences aside and mobilize these bodies behind a collective effort.
The World Health Organization needs funding for its health emergencies program and should be required to report when governments fail to live up to their commitments. There needs to be a new global surveillance system to identify pandemic threats that is far less reliant on the self-reporting of early affected states.
View François-Philippe Champagne Profile
Lib. (QC)
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Allow me to congratulate you on your election as chair. It's great to have you here as someone who knows the world well.
Mr. Chair, members of the committee, thank you for this invitation to appear before the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development.
Mr. Chair, you have introduced the officials joining me. I would like to thank them for their work, as well as all the diplomats in Ottawa and abroad serving Canadians with pride and professionalism.
My last appearance before the committee goes back to March 12, the day after the WHO declared the COVID-19 pandemic. Since then, the virus has increased international instability and amplified trends leading to the erosion of the world order.
We live in a time of great challenges. The COVID-19 pandemic is still causing loss of lives and uncertainty across the globe. Rapid change and ever-increasing humanitarian needs are challenging and pressuring the international system. Disregard of international law, including human rights, combined with a lack of accountability is threatening the rules-based international order, and the world is still faced with the ever-evolving fundamental threat of climate change.
With these great challenges come great responsibilities, and Canada is willing and ready to do its part and to lead. This is why we have been deeply engaged with our partners and friends around the world to develop solutions that work for the benefit of all and that advance Canada's interests and values. In March, it was difficult for all of us to imagine that in a matter of days Canada would undertake the repatriation of tens of thousands of Canadians from every corner of the globe, the largest such operation in Canada's history in peacetime.
There, Mr. Chair, I think I can speak on behalf of all parliamentarians. The work that has been done by our diplomats around the world and our staff here in Ottawa is just extraordinary. People have spent countless hours to help Canadians. This was one of the best things. Everyone worked hard, but I think Canadians are grateful to have the diplomats in a time of great need.
However, we must not forget that, beyond our borders, COVID-19 has disproportionately impacted the world's most vulnerable populations and has exacerbated inequality. As you heard from my colleague Minister Gould last week, that is why we have been working to alleviate suffering through humanitarian relief. This is not only the right thing to do but also the smart thing to do. Much is still unknown about this virus, but what we know for certain is that no one will be safe from the pandemic until everyone is safe.
Let me move on to our feminist foreign policy. We also need to ensure that our institutions work for everyone. A free press is essential to the protection of human rights, democracy and good governance. That is why I was so proud to co-host the 2020 media freedom conference with Botswana just a few days ago. Our feminist approach to foreign affairs also means promoting rights-based, open and inclusive societies where all people, regardless of their backgrounds or identities, can fully benefit from equal and meaningful participation in economic, political, social and cultural life.
Canadians know that this is the only way to build a safer and more prosperous world. We cannot take the rights of women for granted. In too many places around the world, women still find themselves fighting for their basic human rights. Just a few weeks ago, we celebrated the 20th anniversary of Resolution 1325 at the United Nations. Canada is proud to support and advance the women, peace and security agenda hand in hand with dedicated actors from around the world. Our feminist foreign policy white paper will anchor our core foreign policy conviction that all people should enjoy the same human rights and the same opportunities to succeed and fulfill their potential.
As Canadians, we have always understood that our influence is greatest when we work closely with our partners. Canada sits at the table of the world's most important international institutions, whether it's the G7, the G20, NATO, the OECD, the OSCE, La Francophonie or the Commonwealth. In all of those forums, we are resolved to advance Canadian values and interests while bringing about a more just and equitable world.
Now let me turn to the United States. We all know that Canada and the United States enjoy a truly unique relationship. Our shared geography, strong economic ties and deep personal connections have made us friends, partners and the closest of allies. Just as we work with the current administration and Mexico to renew the free trade agreement, we look forward to working closely with the new administration to tackle the major challenges of the day, such as keeping people safe throughout the pandemic, advancing peace and prosperity, and fighting climate change together.
Let me move on to China. Our relationship with China is a complex and multi-dimensional one, not just for Canada but for democracies around the world. Our approach is to be firm and smart. When dealing with China, we will be firmly guided by Canadian interests, our fundamental values and principles, including human rights, as well as by global rules and strategic partnerships. We will challenge China when it comes to human rights, compete with our innovative businesses and abundant natural resources that allow us to do so, and co-operate on global challenges like climate change, because there is no easy path forward without China.
Let me be clear. The safety and security of Canadians at home and abroad will always be at the heart of our approach. It has been almost two years since the arbitrary detention of Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor, and we continue to call for their immediate release. I also want to acknowledge the resilience and support of their families at every step of the way. After many months, we recently secured on-site virtual consular access to Mr. Kovrig and Mr. Spavor. This—
View François-Philippe Champagne Profile
Lib. (QC)
Okay.
After many months, we recently secured on-site virtual consular access to Mr. Kovrig and Mr. Spavor. This is something that I personally raised in a meeting with my counterpart, State Councillor Wang Yi, in Rome in August of this year, and on which we worked tirelessly.
Like many Canadians, we are alarmed by the reports of flagrant human rights violations in Xinjiang. I discussed this issue directly with my Chinese counterpart just recently in Rome, this summer, at a meeting I called.
This is something I've also raised directly with Michelle Bachelet, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. The concerns we have are shared by many around the world. Multilateralism is key to ensuring global stability and security in a world in which China is a powerful actor. This is why we are working with like-minded countries to defend the rules-based international order and ensure that China abides by its international obligations.
We are committed to developing new international frameworks and conventions that respond to today's challenges. One example is the successful conclusion of talks for the Canada-United Kingdom Trade Continuity Agreement, which was led by my very able colleague Minister Ng. This agreement will provide stability and predictability for businesses, exporters and workers in Canada and the United Kingdom. The pandemic highlights the importance of ensuring that supply chains remain open and that air travel is not altered for essential goods and services.
Canada is also committed to strengthening the world's institutions in order to strengthen global stability and respond to emerging threats. We have continued to engage partners and allies on the critical situation in Venezuela through our work in the Lima Group and continued high-level engagement with President Guaidó. Over the last several months, we have also witnessed the eruption of multiple political crises around the world. I will not be able to name all of them, but let me mention several situations of concern.
In Lebanon, in the wake of August's tragedy in Beirut, Canada immediately provided $30 million in humanitarian aid, and I personally travelled there. We continue to follow very closely the situation on the ground. We will continue to support the Lebanese people in the months to come.
When it comes to Belarus, we have rejected the results of the fraudulent presidential election in Belarus and continue to call for free and fair elections. Alongside allies, we have imposed three sets of sanctions against government officials of Belarus, and urge the government of Belarus to find a negotiated solution that respects the will of the people.
Now let me move to Nagorno-Karabakh.
We continue to work with our allies within the OSCE Minsk Group on finding a sustainable resolution in Nagorno-Karabakh.
I know that this committee has been briefed by my departmental officials on the region and on export permits. As you know, we have suspended a number of export permits to Turkey following the allegations that equipment sold by a Canadian company is being used in Nagorno-Karabakh. The export permits have been suspended in line with Canada’s robust export control regime, which is one of the world's more rigorous. We will continue to carefully scrutinize export permits to ensure that they are consistent with our legal obligations and the protection of human rights and international humanitarian laws.
Now let me move a bit further east, to Hong Kong.
We were the first to suspend our extradition treaty with Hong Kong. We announced a series of other steps in reaction to China imposing the National Security Law on Hong Kong.
Finally, Mr. Chair, let me turn to the tragedy of PS752. As we get close to the first anniversary of the downing, our thoughts remain with the families and friends of the victims. Our commitment to supporting the families of the victims to get all the answers they deserve is a priority for me and our government. To that end, we continue to stand firm for transparency, accountability, justice and reparation for the families of the victims. We also continue to lead the work of the international coordination group, which Canada founded, that includes the U.K., Ukraine, Sweden and Afghanistan. We will not rest until we see justice served and those responsible held to account.
In conclusion, the events of 2020 have demonstrated the importance of Canada's foreign policy. Today COVID-19 shows us that our fate is deeply intertwined with that of the community of nations. Tomorrow we know that the defining challenges of our time will only be solved through collective action on a scale never witnessed before.
As some countries turn away from the world and retreat to nationalist self-interest, we instead hold on to a different belief—the conviction that co-operation, partnership and multilateralism will carry the day. These beliefs have always underpinned Canada's relationship to the world. They will be guiding us as we face the challenges in the months and years to come and work to reform and strengthen the international order for generations to follow, to ensure security, stability and prosperity for all.
Mr. Chair, I'm happy to take questions. If you will allow me just 30 seconds to solve a technical issue at our end, we'll be ready to go.
Bob Rae
View Bob Rae Profile
Hon. Bob Rae
2020-11-19 16:38
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
I would like to thank the committee members for the opportunity to speak to Canada's humanitarian response to COVID-19.
I had the chance to hear the discussion with the previous panel, and I would like to thank them for their work and dedication.
We're very fortunate to have Mr. Beasley and Mr. Lowcock with us. I've had the pleasure of meeting them both virtually and talking with them. Their insights on the magnitude and severity of the impacts of COVID-19 are unparalleled.
I extend warm congratulations to David and the WFP for being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. You gave great cheer and comfort to a great many people, Mr. Beasley, not only with winning it, but with the way in which you won it and how you received the award. I know the official ceremony is coming, but I wanted to throw that in.
Since February 11, the Prime Minister, Minister Gould and other government officials have announced more than $1.1 billion in aid to help developing countries cope with the effects of the pandemic, and support their recovery and resilience as the pandemic continues to wreak havoc.
Through this assistance, Canada has placed a particular focus on reaching the most marginalized and most vulnerable who have been disproportionately affected, such as women and children. All of this comes, of course, on top of significant annual investments in international and humanitarian assistance, much of which has been redirected in a flexible manner to respond to the most immediate needs stemming from the pandemic.
Where possible, we've also expedited scheduled payments to allow partners to respond more quickly, as we did with the UN agencies, such as UNICEF. As the United Nations Secretary-General reminds us, and I think it is a good sentence, “solidarity is self-interest”.
As long as individuals are vulnerable to COVID-19 anywhere, there is a risk to populations everywhere. Equitable, timely and affordable access to testing, treatment and vaccines is critical for controlling and ending this pandemic. The Prime Minister demonstrated Canada's commitment to such access by announcing, on September 25, $440 million to the COVAX facility, an advance market commitment, with half of these funds supporting the procurement of vaccine doses in developing countries.
Of course, the need is only increasing. In my recent report to the Prime Minister, I recommended that Canada allocate additional resources to the global COVID-19 response. I have not changed my opinion on that.
This has happened throughout the pandemic as information on needs and gaps has emerged. We saw it again on September 29, 2020, when an additional $400 million in funding to support the response was announced. Of this, $200 million will be dedicated to supporting ongoing humanitarian efforts. As I expect Mr. Lowcock and Mr. Beasley will underscore, this funding is very much needed, and more will be needed in the time ahead.
As you will undoubtedly hear over the course of your study, this health crisis has exacerbated a humanitarian emergency, which has the potential in some countries to become a famine. It is leading as well to an economic and social crisis, and in some cases already has led to a liquidity and solvency crisis, which we widely expect to become more severe. Public debt levels in emerging markets will rise by as much as 65% of GDP and 50% of GDP in low-income countries. These are levels at which aggressive action by creditors could lead to a cascade of defaults, which would then threaten the global financial system.
Through Canada's funding and policy leadership, we've been active in the UN, working to limit these additional impacts of the pandemic. In the financing for development initiative, which has been co-chaired by Canada and Jamaica, the UN Secretariat has worked to develop over 200 policy recommendations on how to overcome and build back better from the social and economic impacts of COVID-19. This will include investments to deal with climate change, both from a mitigation and adaptation perspective, as well as significant partnerships with the private sector.
Just as it is with vaccines, solidarity with low-income and small island states is in Canada's economic self-interest. The world is simply too connected for us to allow anyone to fall too far behind. We cannot allow the impact of COVID-19 to prevent the world from reaching sustainable development goals.
I'm going to describe three numbers to you, please write them down: 23, 6 and 2. Twenty-three percent of GDP is what advanced economies have spent on ourselves; 6% is what is being spent in developing countries; 2% is what's being spent in the least developed countries. This is the inequity, and this is the key financial gap that we must close.
Just as the world's advanced economies have been forced to do more than we would have ever thought conceivable last year at this time, we now have a duty not to let the world economy slide into depression and hundreds of millions of people fall back into deep poverty.
My short time at the UN—although the time has gone pretty quickly since I got here—has only served to reinforce to me that Canada cannot fix this alone. As Canadians, we have to do it in partnership with a number of other countries, but neither can we shrink from our responsibilities, which I can assure you will only grow—responsibilities to Canadians, of course, but also to the international community.
We are all bound up in this together. I am happy to answer your questions in the time available.
Thank you.
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