Committee
Consult the user guide
For assistance, please contact us
Consult the user guide
For assistance, please contact us
Add search criteria
Results: 1 - 30 of 1041
View Sébastien Lemire Profile
BQ (QC)
I understand, but you must still have an opinion. If you're satisfied with the measures in place, it means that you have an opinion. That's a form of lobbying.
On that note, I'll ask one last question.
What tourist attractions do you hold dear in the current situation?
Will you be showcasing the regions of Quebec, or will you be focusing more on promoting events in the main cities that appear on Canada's postcards?
Can we expect your promotions to be a little more diverse?
Monique Gomel
View Monique Gomel Profile
Monique Gomel
2021-06-22 12:49
Certainly I think that there's a role for promoting all kinds of different experiences to all kinds of different visitors, both urban and rural. We aim to promote a huge range of diverse experiences, and I can say, in my opinion, as someone who lived in Quebec for five years, that I certainly cherish the festivals in Montreal and the mountains in the Laurentians. There's a lot to promote.
View Sébastien Lemire Profile
BQ (QC)
Will you include the parks of the Société des établissements de plein air du Québec, or Sépaq, in your promotion of Canada's parks?
Monique Gomel
View Monique Gomel Profile
Monique Gomel
2021-06-22 12:49
Absolutely, the parks are a big part of our promotions.
View Heather McPherson Profile
NDP (AB)
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair, and thank you to all the witnesses for being here today.
This has been very interesting. I am a relatively new member to this committee, so I was not part of the study that was undertaken in May 2019. I hadn't been elected yet.
It is concerning and worrisome that so little has happened since that study was undertaken, because we have those recommendations in front of us. I would like to begin by asking a few questions of my fellow Edmontonian who is joining us today. I'd like to ask Mr. Rollans a few questions.
In the conversation today, we've been spending a lot of time talking about the situation in Quebec and what that means for writers in Quebec. I would like to get a sense from your perspective, knowing that we're both in Edmonton at the moment, of the situation in the rest of Canada. How is it different in the rest of Canada from what it is in Quebec?
Glenn Rollans
View Glenn Rollans Profile
Glenn Rollans
2021-06-21 12:03
It's better in Quebec. Quebec is a stronger provincial supporter of its cultural industries and artists. At the moment, schools, colleges and universities are all licensed in the province of Quebec. That means if my work is copied in Quebec, I get paid. Outside of Quebec, almost no schools, colleges and universities are licensed. If Mr. Perro's work is copied outside of Quebec, he doesn't get paid. That is really unacceptable in our federation.
View Julie Dabrusin Profile
Lib. (ON)
I have another question. We were talking a bit about the difference between Quebec and the rest of Canada. If I understand it, Universities Canada represents universities both in Quebec and outside of Quebec.
View Julie Dabrusin Profile
Lib. (ON)
How do you explain the discrepancy in the fact that universities in Quebec seem to be agreeable to paying into collective licensing with Copibec and yet there is a challenge outside of Quebec?
Philip Landon
View Philip Landon Profile
Philip Landon
2021-06-21 12:37
Well, I think it's the question of what the market will hold. Copibec has a licence that is at $13 and something; I don't know exactly what it was. At the time that it was last signed, the Quebec institutions agreed that it was a fair price. At that time, in front of the rest of Canada, the number facing them was $26 for a licence. It's a level that is defined by market force.
I will say that the price is going down and that the price continues to go down, because, as I said in my earlier testimony, the actual need and desire for that in the market is not as high as it once was. That's the way it has been going.
Nuzhat Jafri
View Nuzhat Jafri Profile
Nuzhat Jafri
2021-06-17 11:24
First of all, thank you so very much for inviting the Canadian Council of Muslim Women this morning, Madam Chair, parliamentarians, Madam Clerk and staff.
My name is Nuzhat Jafri, and I am the executive director of the Canadian Council of Muslim Women, CCMW.
I'm speaking to you from the traditional territory of the Anishinabe and Haudenosaunee peoples. It is also the land of the Petun and Huron-Wendat peoples, and it's recognized officially as the land of the Mississaugas of the Credit River, as they were here at the point of contact. This land is now home to many diverse first nations, Inuit and Métis peoples.
The CCMW is an organization dedicated to the equality, equity and empowerment of Canadian Muslim women and girls. It was founded in Winnipeg, Manitoba, in 1982 by the late Dr. Lila Fahlman and a group of determined Muslim women who sought to channel their passion for faith-centred social justice work to create a more inclusive Canada for all. We have 17 chapters across Canada. Our mission is to affirm the identities of Canadian Muslim women and promote our lived experiences through community engagement, public policy, stakeholder engagement and amplified awareness of the social injustices that Muslim women and girls endure in Canada, while advocating for their diverse needs and equipping local CCMW chapters with the necessary resources to maximize national efforts and mobilize local communities to join the movement. We approach our work through an intersectional lens and recognize our diverse identities and expressions. We are but one voice among many.
On the evening of June 6, 2021, Talat Afzaal, her son Salman, her daughter-in-law Madiha, her granddaughter Yumna, and her grandson Fayez were out for a late spring walk in their London, Ontario, neighbourhood when the lives of four members of that beautiful family came to a crashing halt. Nine-year-old Fayez survived, but he remains in hospital after sustaining serious injuries. This mass murder and heinous attack was the work of a white supremacist who was filled with hate against Muslims.
Three of the four individuals who were murdered were women. In light of this tragedy and increasing Islamophobic attacks on Muslim women, it is appropriate that the committee undertake a study on violence against Muslim women and other targeted women, including examining online hate and cyber-bullying from an intersectional perspective.
With a spate of hate-motivated attacks on Black Muslim women in hijab in Calgary and Edmonton, and ongoing harassment and abuse of visible Muslim women, murder as the ultimate result of this hatred and violence is not a surprise.
While we don't know what Talat, Madiha and Yumna were wearing, they were definitely in the perpetrator's sight. I know of a family that lives steps from where this attack occurred. Women who wear head scarves in that family are afraid of leaving their home. That fear is palpable among Canadian Muslims, particularly Muslim women and girls who can be identified easily by their clothing.
Gendered Islamophobia is real. As part of our digital anti-racism education—or DARE—project, we recently invited Canadian Muslim women, girls, trans individuals and non-binary individuals to share their experiences of Islamophobia with us. I have a number of examples here, but I'm going to cite just a few because they've already been shared by my other sisters. Here's what they've said:
“I was sexually, physically and verbally assaulted on the SkyTrain for wearing the hijab.”
In high school, two hijab-wearing Muslim girls found their shared locker broken into. Upon attempting to open the lock with their key, it got stuck as gum was stuffed inside. While the girls struggled to open the lock, a group of other high school kids were watching and laughing at them.
“While working at a comic book store, I experienced verbal harassment by customers calling me a 'towel head' and a 'terrorist'.”
“I was verbally abused repeatedly and was spat on.”
“In elementary school, while in kindergarten, I was asked by another student if my parents were suicide bombers.”
These experiences are commonplace for many Muslim women and girls, and they are exacerbated for Muslim women with disabilities, trans persons, non-binary persons, and Black or indigenous Muslim women and girls because of the multiple and intersecting disadvantages they experience in Canadian society.
It is also important to recognize that 87% of Muslims are racialized and racism is very much part of their Canadian experience.
In Quebec, the situation is even worse because of an unjust law where systemic Islamophobia is practised in plain sight and Québécois Muslim women are denied employment in the public sector because they wear a head scarf. That law gives permission to discriminate against Muslim women in the province, with little chance of recourse.
In addition to overt Islamophobia, at the core of this abuse and violence are sexism and misogyny. We need to understand sexism as a form of social oppression that interconnects with race, religion, class and other systems of marginalization. Gender-based violence cannot be properly understood without addressing inequality based on race, religion, class, ability, and so on.
Marginalized women experience more sexism compared to other women. For example, Black Muslim women experience almost six times as much sex-based discrimination compared to non-Black Muslim women. One in three Black Muslim women experiences sex-based discrimination, while less than one in 10 non-Black Muslim women does. It is important to highlight the specific disadvantages experienced by Canadian Black Muslim women because racism, sexism and Islamophobia manifest themselves in ways that are distinct from other Canadian Muslim women.
Marginalized women experience more sexism in many places compared to other women. For example, compared to others, proportionately more Black Muslim women report experiencing discrimination in banks, stores and restaurants, when dealing with the police and when crossing the Canadian border.
While Islamophobic attacks have become a daily occurrence in Canada, gendered Islamophobia needs to be addressed distinctly because of its intersectional nature. Policy and legislative responses must take into consideration the specific circumstances of Canadian women and the effects of gendered Islamophobia on their daily lives, their performance in school, their success in the labour market, their experience of social integration and in all sectors of Canadian society.
It is not okay for a Muslim girl to have her hijab ripped off in her school. It is not okay for a Muslim woman to be assaulted on the subway. It is not okay for a Muslim woman to be denied employment because she wears a head scarf. It is not okay for a Muslim woman to be murdered because of her faith.
Canada needs to pass meaningful legislation to address online hate. Better reporting of hate crimes, including data collection that considers the intersectionality of Canadian Muslim women, girls, trans and non-binary persons.
White supremacist terrorists must be stopped in their tracks. Their groups must be disbanded and rendered illegal, and an active program of de-radicalization of their members must be a priority for the Canadian government.
The objective of terrorists is to terrorize and frighten their targets and disempower and debilitate them. We at the Canadian Council of Muslim Women will not let the terrorists achieve their objectives. Our commitment to equality, equity and empowerment of Canadian Muslim women and girls is stronger than ever and we will continue to do whatever we can to ensure that our resolve is unshaken.
We encourage members of this committee to follow our digital anti-racism education, or DARE, project and participate in our anti-Islamophobia and countering cyber-hate workshops. You can learn more about the project and register for the workshops at our daretobeaware.ca website. We are grateful to the Department of Canadian Heritage for its financial support of this project. Incidentally, Amira Elghawaby is actually the facilitator for our anti-Islamophobia workshop.
Thank you for your time.
Sylvain Gaudreault
View Sylvain Gaudreault Profile
Sylvain Gaudreault
2021-06-16 16:16
Good afternoon. I am delighted to be appearing before a parliamentary committee in another legislature, the Parliament of Canada. This is a first for me. I want to send my regards to my counterparts in the House of Commons. I recognize a few faces, mainly people I've met on parliamentary missions.
I'll start by telling you a bit about myself. I have been the member for Jonquière since 2007. Under the Parti Québécois government, I was the Minister of Transport and the Minister of Municipal Affairs, Regions and Land Occupancy. I am currently the third opposition group critic both for the environment and the fight against climate change, and for energy. As you can appreciate, I was very interested in Bill C‑230, the legislation brought forward by Ms. Zann. Why? Because I am realizing that, in Quebec, as well as in the rest of Canada, environmental discrimination based on social inequality is prevalent. In some cases, those environmental issues even reinforce social inequalities.
Here are a few examples. In Rouyn‑Noranda, the Horne smelter produces copper and emits a staggering amount of arsenic into the adjacent neighbourhood, Notre‑Dame, which is home to people with lower incomes. Historically, it's a poorer neighbourhood, a working-class community.
Another example is the east end of Montreal, where many parcels of land are contaminated. Similarly, it is a poorer part of the city than, say, the west end.
The situation is the same next door in the historic Hochelaga-Maisonneuve neighbourhood, where air quality is poor because of the Port of Montreal.
In central Quebec, asbestos mines have led to significant health issues for minors.
It is unacceptable that, to this day, many remote indigenous communities all over Canada do not have access to clean drinking water.
Those examples illustrate how environmental issues tied to social inequality affect communities everywhere. I recognize the disparity in the environmental impacts affecting poor versus wealthy populations. That is why we need to act to remove social inequalities or inequities. We must never stop fighting socially motivated environmental inequalities.
However, Bill C‑230 does not fix the problem, as far as I'm concerned.
First, clause 2 does not contain a definition of “environmental racism”.
Second, social inequalities involve a wide range of areas, from education and health care to economic development and natural resource development. Historically and under the Constitution, all of those areas fall exclusively within provincial jurisdiction. To overcome social inequalities, action must be taken in education, health care, economic development and, of course, natural resource development.
The main problem lies in paragraph 3(3)(d), which reads as follows: “assess the administration and enforcement of environmental laws in each province”. That could be a very far-reaching undertaking, something that is unacceptable to Quebec. Even the premier, François Legault, has previously asked the federal government for full jurisdiction over the environment. Quebec alone should determine which environmental projects are carried out within its borders. Paragraph (d) of subclause 3(3) could leave the door wide open to infringement of Quebec's environmental jurisdiction.
Twice, in both the former and current legislatures of the National Assembly of Québec, I brought forward Bill 391, An Act to amend the Environment Quality Act in order to assert the primacy of Québec's jurisdiction in this area. Introduced on May 30, 2019, the bill is entirely in keeping with Bill C‑225, the legislation introduced by the other member for Jonquière, the one who sits in your Parliament.
In conclusion, I believe Bill C‑230 should be defeated, ideally, or substantially amended. I urge you to take into account the fact that the provinces have jurisdiction over the environment.
View Monique Pauzé Profile
BQ (QC)
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Thank you to all the witnesses for being here today.
My question is for Mr. Gaudreault, who is well known for his involvement in environmental issues.
Mr. Gaudreault, you said in your opening statement that health care, education and natural resources, which are under the jurisdiction of Quebec and the provinces, are crucial in fostering greater social equality.
In fact, Quebec has recognized the right to live in a healthful environment in which biodiversity is preserved since 2006, in its Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms. Being a quasi-constitutional right, it protects every Quebecker. Why, then, include in the legislation provisions that have the same purpose but carry less legal force?
Do you not get the sense that, because of the exception in Quebec's case, the provisions in Bill C‑230 are of less value to Quebec than they are to the rest of Canada?
Sylvain Gaudreault
View Sylvain Gaudreault Profile
Sylvain Gaudreault
2021-06-16 16:54
Thank you for your question.
That is precisely what I was trying to convey in my opening statement. Although the right to a healthful environment is recognized as a value in Quebec's Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms, it's important to go a step further. Entrenching the right in the charter is a step forward, but it has to be recognized as grounds for discrimination; that recognition does not currently exist.
I agree with you, but I would add something. If we want to fight social inequalities, which are caused and reinforced by environmental issues, we have to act on all fronts. In other words, actions have to target health care, education, social policy and natural resource development. All of those areas fall under provincial jurisdiction. We need to focus more on that dimension, as far as provincial jurisdiction goes.
View Monique Pauzé Profile
BQ (QC)
Thank you.
In a previous Parliament, I brought forward a bill on environmental sovereignty. The honourable member for Jonquière, Mario Simard, whom you know well, introduced similar legislation. This position is not exclusive to the Bloc Québécois. Rather, it is a position historically and consensually held by the Quebec government. Basically, we believe that Quebec's laws protect Quebec's environment and that those laws take precedence over Canada's laws, because the territory of Quebec belongs to us and the federal government should not interfere in Quebec's jurisdiction over the environment. As I said earlier, that belief is not exclusive to the Bloc Québécois and is among Quebec's historically held positions.
Sylvain Gaudreault
View Sylvain Gaudreault Profile
Sylvain Gaudreault
2021-06-16 16:56
Yes, absolutely. That actually explains why paragraph (d) of subclause 3(3) of Bill C‑230 is completely unacceptable.
I would point out that, leading up to the 2019 election, Premier François Legault sent the leader of each federal party a letter, on September 17, calling on the federal government to give Quebec full jurisdiction over the environment. Obviously, the Fathers of Confederation could not foresee in 1867 the climate crisis facing us now and into the future.
Natural resources and economic development fall within the domain of the provinces. Accordingly, we believe Quebec and the provinces should have exclusive jurisdiction over environmental matters, especially considering that, in many respects, Quebec's Environment Quality Act provides better protection for the environment and goes further than the federal legislation.
Unfortunately, Quebec's act does not cover infrastructure under federal jurisdiction, such as ports and gas or interprovincial pipelines. That infrastructure nevertheless has very significant impacts on indigenous communities in Quebec, on communities that are already devalued or struggling, and on communities that are home to low-income families. Quebec's jurisdiction and Environment Quality Act—which goes further than the federal legislation and controls, for instance, noise and air pollutants—should have primacy.
View Monique Pauzé Profile
BQ (QC)
Thank you, Mr. Gaudreault.
My other question is for Ms. Jones. You've just heard what Mr. Gaudreault said about Quebec's jurisdiction over environmental matters. Considering that and considering the realities facing a number of communities in their relationship with the environment, don't you think it's up to the provinces in question to assume their responsibilities, and strengthen their environmental legislation and social safety nets?
Lynn Jones
View Lynn Jones Profile
Lynn Jones
2021-06-16 16:59
You've asked the wrong person this question. I say that because of having dealt for a very long time with issues of racism and anti-racism. I'll go back to the previous question, which talked about justice: environmental justice, including racism.
I'm old, right? I'm growing old, but I've been around during the environmental “justice” movement, and during that time, I never saw issues in my community addressed—or in any marginalized, racialized communities, such as indigenous communities. Black communities, indigenous communities.... They didn't talk about us, and our concerns weren't on the table when we talked about environmental justice, even though you would think they would be, because it's justice for everybody. We weren't included, and that's why it's so important that, number one, we talk about racism, because then we get included.
Whenever you say the word “racism”, somehow or other you hit that brick wall, and I don't think that when it comes to provinces and national concerns it's any different. My personal feeling, because you've asked me, is that unless we look at this bill in terms of national incentives, we will not have uniformity in the country in terms of dealing with racism and, in this case, environmental racism—
View Taylor Bachrach Profile
NDP (BC)
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Thank you to all of our witnesses for their thoughts on this very important topic.
Dr. Jones, I want to offer you an opportunity to finish your thought, because it felt like you got cut off there. Then I can dive into my other questions.
Lynn Jones
View Lynn Jones Profile
Lynn Jones
2021-06-16 17:01
Like I said, my thoughts got kind of broken up there.
I wanted to say that what is really great about this bill is that it is national. We tried to address environmental racism, for example, at the provincial level. Although we made headway, we didn't make it through, because there needed to be.... The concerns happened not only, for example, in Quebec, but the racism is the same across the country.
If we're going to deal with environmental racism, I think it's imperative that it be from a national perspective. The provinces will still have an opportunity to do all these great things that we're talking about within their province. We're not taking that part of the bill away.
I'll just leave it at that. I could go on and on about the trickle-down effects and all that kind of thing, but I'll leave that for another day.
Thank you.
View Monique Pauzé Profile
BQ (QC)
Thank you.
My question is for Mr. Gaudreault.
We heard about disasters that have happened elsewhere. Can you tell us about any that have affected Quebec?
Sylvain Gaudreault
View Sylvain Gaudreault Profile
Sylvain Gaudreault
2021-06-16 17:18
Absolutely.
I recognize that those who live in poor communities, immigrant communities, disadvantaged neighbourhoods and racialized communities are hit very hard by environmental impacts.
The Notre‑Dame neighbourhood in Rouyn‑Noranda is a striking example. You only have to go there once to see just how close residents are to the copper smelting plant. It's practically on top of them. Research shows that both children and adults living there have concentrations of arsenic four times higher than those in a control group of residents of Amos, in Abitibi, the same region. The ethnocultural makeup of the neighbourhood is fairly uniform; the people there have worked at the Horne smelter for generations. Think about it. The presence of arsenic in those people's systems is four times higher than the arsenic levels found in a comparable group of Amos residents.
That is unacceptable. Something has to be done. That is what is referred to as environmental justice. I have no doubt that achieving greater environmental justice hinges on providing a broad range of services in a number of areas, including education.
For instance, in Quebec—
View Monique Pauzé Profile
BQ (QC)
Can you give examples of the social safety net that exists in Quebec, which Ms. Zann actually recognized?
Sylvain Gaudreault
View Sylvain Gaudreault Profile
Sylvain Gaudreault
2021-06-16 17:20
Focusing on early childhood by establishing affordable day care through early childhood centres is one solution. Setting lower tuition fees allows families whose members have never gone to university to have a university graduate for the first time. Establishing electricity rates that are much more affordable than in the rest of Canada ensures people can heat their homes.
Those are the types of measures that can be taken proactively to reduce environmental impacts and achieve greater environmental justice for all affected communities.
View Yves Perron Profile
BQ (QC)
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Thank you to the witnesses for being here. It's a pleasure to see you all.
I'm going to start with you, Mr. Leblanc.
You said earlier that an incident occurred in Quebec and police did not know how to respond. How do you explain that?
A number of witnesses told us that Quebec already had laws in place to protect against trespassing. How is it that they are not enforced or not enforceable?
Pierre-Luc Leblanc
View Pierre-Luc Leblanc Profile
Pierre-Luc Leblanc
2021-06-15 16:56
It happened at a hog farm near me. It took police a long time to get the individuals off the premises.
As I understand it, the legislation will deter people from coming onto the property. Once activists gain entry to the property and occupy it, they do not up and leave just because police are on the scene. The law needs to deter people from breaking onto the property, to prevent the birds from coming under stress, to ensure their welfare and to protect biosecurity.
View Andréanne Larouche Profile
BQ (QC)
Thank you very much, Madam Chair.
Madam Minister, thank you for joining us on this day that affects me greatly as a Quebec woman. We are now up to our 13th femicide in Quebec. The figure turns our stomachs. That is the context in which we are meeting with you today, Madam Minister.
I understand that you have come to talk to us about matters such as the action plan to end gender-based violence. But the problem remains. Is it not time to review the strategy a little or to speed up the process?
Recently, I was in discussions with officials from Quebec's Department of Public Security and the Secrétariat à la condition féminine, in Quebec also, about the femicide issue. For them, one essential question remains: how much money goes directly to organizations? Quebec would like to know what the plan is.
Exactly how much money is going to go directly to organizations in Quebec?
There is money for coordination, prevention, statistics and studies, but how much money will go into the trenches, because that is where things are playing out? Implementing the strategy is fraught with delay, and unfortunately, women are still dying.
My condolences go to the loved ones of this 13th victim.
View Maryam Monsef Profile
Lib. (ON)
On behalf of the Government of Canada, on behalf of the Prime Minister, we extend our condolences to families and loved ones grieving deaths that are entirely preventable—entirely preventable.
It wasn't too long ago, Madam Larouche, when all of us, as MPs, were in the House of Commons for an emergency debate. The numbers were a lot lower, but the pain was just as intense and the deaths just as preventable when we debated, for the first time in the House of Commons, gender-based violence as an emergency issue. My team and I took notes, and actually what you see in the budget is an acceleration in the pace of the response and a significant investment from the federal government to move forward.
As you pointed out, there are 132 sexual assault centres and non-indigenous shelters that have received federal funding over this past year, and there are 113 gender-based violence service organizations and seven indigenous off-reserve shelters that have received emergency supports. Moving forward, we are in regular conversation with our colleagues in Quebec and in other provinces to make sure these dollars get to the front lines quickly and that there's no lag in the time it takes for organizations in Quebec to receive funding compared to everybody else in the country.
Madam Chair, I am always open to ideas on how to improve the efficiency and the effectiveness, as well as the equity, in these programs. If colleagues want to reach out to me with their input, please do. I'm happy to take that call and happy to be part of this work.
I assure you, however, that just like you, I am haunted by every single death, by every single headline. Those are just the ones we know of. There are women sleeping in their cars right now because they have nowhere else to go. There are women staying in abusive relationships because they don't know there are other places they can go. There are women trapped in harmful circumstances because of poverty. That is the work we can all do together to move forward and create more choice and opportunity for women and non-binary folks in this country.
View Andréanne Larouche Profile
BQ (QC)
Madam Minister, I wanted to ask you some other questions and I was trying to signal to you.
First of all, during the emergency debate, I pointed out that, last time, there had been a difference of six months between Quebec and the other provinces in terms of signing the bilateral agreements. For me, efficiency means speeding up the signing of bilateral agreements when it is high time to transfer the money. Quebec wants to put that money to use and has the ability and the jurisdiction to do so.
The Department of Public Security and the Secrétariat à la condition féminine are asking for the signing of the bilateral agreements to be speeded up. If we are to be effective, we must also avoid duplications. There is an action plan to end gender-based violence, and there is a federal gender-based violence strategy.
What is the difference between the two?
Results: 1 - 30 of 1041 | Page: 1 of 35

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
>
>|
Export As: XML CSV RSS

For more data options, please see Open Data