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Results: 61 - 75 of 1884
Marc-André Viau
View Marc-André Viau Profile
Marc-André Viau
2020-12-11 14:21
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Distinguished members of the Standing Committee on Finance, thank you for welcoming me today.
Before diving into the details of our recommendations, I would like to thank all the lawmakers here today for two things: first, for their efforts to ensure the safety of Canadians and for the economic support measures for workers and businesses; and second, for their support for the principle of zero emissions legislation, whether through a government bill or a private member's bill.
Much work remains to be done to ensure results and increased accountability, particularly in 2025, but with goodwill, it will be done. It must be done because the economic challenges of today and tomorrow are linked to environmental issues.
I am here today on behalf of Équiterre, an organization with more than 156,000 members and supporters. For more than 25 years, we have participated in debates related to agriculture, food, transportation and mobility, as well as to climate and energy policies in Quebec and in the rest of Canada.
With respect to the transportation sector, we are delighted to see that the electrification of personal vehicles is a priority for the government and for the Standing Committee on Environment and Sustainable Development.
To achieve the objective of 100% zero-emission vehicles by 2040, incentives for buyers are a good starting point. However, as mentioned in our written submission, in order to increase the supply of zero-emission vehicles, we recommend that the federal government also implement a zero-cost measure that has been proven effective in Quebec, British Columbia and internationally, namely a Canada-wide standard for zero-emission vehicles.
On the demand side, incentives and charging infrastructure are not enough. We need an incremental combination of effective regulatory and fiscal approaches to accelerate the transition. In addition to the ZEV standard, we suggest reforming and integrating the iZEV and green levy programs, which should be administered by a single jurisdiction, to implement a true feebate system, another tax-neutral measure for government.
Still in terms of transportation, the COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated the shift to e-commerce. This is affecting urban delivery services, increasingly causing negative externalities such as air pollution, GHGs, noise, or safety problems for the most vulnerable users.
If e-commerce continues to grow and no structured plan to decarbonize delivery services is launched, the consequences I have just mentioned will intensify, prompting additional societal costs for public health.
Yesterday, the City of Montreal introduced its climate action plan, with the flagship measure of creating a zero-emission zone in the downtown core by 2030. As a result, in addition to cars, electric trucks and cargo bikes will be needed to transport people and goods. We therefore recommend working with Canadian municipalities to develop, implement and fund a strategy to decarbonize urban freight transportation.
In terms of agriculture, it is important to put our main recommendation into context with the ongoing discussions on the reform of risk management programs and the renewal of the Canadian agricultural partnership.
Let me quote from the news release issued by the Department of Agriculture and Agri-Food following the recent meeting of the country's agriculture ministers:
FPT governments are listening to farmers and stakeholder groups, who have been asking for meaningful changes and alternatives to the current risk management approach. Ministers agreed that programs need to improve to better target emerging risks that threaten the viability of the farm...
To this end, we propose that the government create and fund a new AgriResilience program to support farmers in the transition to farming practices that promote healthy soil and use less carbon, thereby reducing the growing climate risk in this sector.
Farmers are among the first to feel the ever-growing impacts of climate change, such as crop losses, impacts on the GDP, profitability, the viability of rural communities, mental health, and government insurance programs, for which spending is bound to increase.
In the fall economic statement, we applauded the announcement of $98 million over 10 years to establish a new natural climate solutions fund. We have just learned that the government has announced new investments of $165.7 million over seven years for the new environmental plan. We applaud the news, but this will not be enough to cover the needs of the sector, nor will it cover all solutions. By comparison, the Farmers for Climate Solutions coalition, of which we are a member, is calling for $300 million for environmental programs in the 2021 budget alone.
In conclusion, I would like to remind you of a traditional request from Équiterre about fossil fuel subsidies. I hope that this is the last groundhog day for this request. We ask that the federal government publish, in Budget 2021, a roadmap to eliminate ineffective fossil fuel subsidies by 2025 to meet Canada's G20 commitment in this area. Canada must recognize that asset managers are increasingly reluctant to take on the risks associated with the Canadian fossil fuel industry.
It would be more beneficial to keep pace with the transition and create jobs in sectors of the future, rather than to continue to pay the bill for resisting the ongoing transition. We need to be proactive, not simply reactive, in supporting workers in industrial sectors affected by the transition.
I would like to thank you for taking the time to listen to me. I am available to answer your questions.
C.T. (Manny) Jules
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C.T. (Manny) Jules
2020-12-11 14:27
Thank you very much.
Honourable members, good afternoon. My name is Manny Jules, and I am the chief commissioner of the First Nations Tax Commission, one of three institutions created by the First Nations Fiscal Management Act, or FMA. I was also chief of the Tk'emlúps Indian Band from 1984 to 2000.
Thank you for this opportunity to address this committee. I have previously appeared before this committee to promote the FMA as a model for legislating first nations back into the federation and the Canadian economy.
The FMA model has worked. Today there are more than 300 first nations successfully using the FMA. They are developing their economies; providing improved services and infrastructure, including clean water; and building better relations with neighbouring governments.
Today I wish to discuss how we can build on this by expanding the first nations management act. Our plan will be to help indigenous economies recover. It will bring services and infrastructure up to Canadian standards. It will demonstrate the commitment to real reconciliation.
Past pandemics became opportunities for colonization and to legislate indigenous peoples out of the economy and federation. They were used as justification to take away our title and fiscal powers. They reduced us to dependents and wards of the state. But we are resilient. We have learned from our history. This time we were ready.
On March 24, the FMA institutions wrote to warn the federal government of the impending health and economic crisis facing our communities. On April 9, we followed up with a second letter, providing an estimate of the value of these impacts and proposing a recovery strategy. We advised that the impact on our economies would be devastating. We estimated that our governments and businesses could lose billions of dollars and thousands of jobs. Sadly, so far, we have been right.
We presented the government with an economic strategy to save emerging first nation economies that included practical proposals to help maintain services when revenues collapse. The government's economic response to our proposal was mixed. As measures were rolled out over the spring and summer, some of our proposals were supported and others were not.
An indigenous recovery strategy based on the proven success of the FMA framework will enhance the overall Canadian economic recovery. In that regard, we recommend the following measures for budget 2021.
First, expand the First Nations Fiscal Management Act to include our proposed first nations infrastructure institute, which, once operational, will speed up the development of our infrastructure and ensure that we get more bang for the buck. We estimate that, by building a legislative base and standards, we can start building first nations infrastructure up to five times faster than under the current regulatory framework.
Second, monetize existing federal infrastructure transfers so that more infrastructure can be built sooner. This is the most cost-effective way to provide stimulus. At the current interest rates, $150 million over 10 years can provide $1.3 billion in shovel-ready infrastructure now instead of over the next 10 years.
Third, expand indigenous fiscal powers to include sales, resources, tobacco, cannabis, excise and income, or taksis. We are the most transfer-dependent governments in Canada. Less than 5% of our government revenues come from our taxes. This is why most first nations have poor infrastructure and services, and why this infrastructure deteriorates more quickly.
Fourth, expand the mandates of the FMA institutions so they can provide more support to all interested indigenous governments and organizations.
Fifth, practically implement article 28(1) of UNDRIP and close the $172 billion indigenous credit gap with an indigenous land title registry.
The incredible success of the FMA has proven that optional, first nation-led legislation works and that first nation institutions are key to this success. First nations want to know that their institutional support will always be there no matter what economic path they choose going forward.
This indigenous recovery strategy as proposed will provide the foundation for a stronger indigenous investment climate. It will mean that we will have the same opportunities to participate in the national recovery strategy as all other Canadians.
I know that this committee in the past has strongly supported the fiscal management act and the work of the FMA institutions. I hope we can again count on the support of the members of this committee for these modest recommendations to expand the FMA, strengthen the institutions and provide first nations with the fiscal tools they will need to recover from COVID-19.
However, hope alone is not enough. We cannot let this pandemic leave another generation behind. Our chance to deliver change is now. Thank you.
View Cathy McLeod Profile
CPC (BC)
Thank you so much, and thank you to all the panellists.
I am from Kamloops and would especially like to welcome Manny to the panel today. I certainly will start with you.
I have witnessed the success there. One and a half months ago, Manny and I were at a historic opening. It was a new water reservoir funded primarily through development cost charges. That means $5 million of a $6.2 million project was funded by the band.
Then, of course, last week we had the current government acknowledging that they were going to fail in terms of delivering clean water to first nations. That was after five or six years and billions of dollars of commitment and it's going to be a failure. I think we have to recognize the system is broken in terms of delivery of infrastructure products.
I would first of all like to hear a little bit more about your first recommendation, because we have a system that's failing in spite of billions of dollars and I've witnessed success of having a different way to do things.
C.T. (Manny) Jules
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C.T. (Manny) Jules
2020-12-11 14:35
It's very clear that the institutional framework we've developed through optional legislation absolutely works. It was proven by the example that MP Cathy McLeod just raised.
The band was able to utilize the tools under the FMA to get development cost charges, put aside “x” amount of dollars on an annual basis and create an incredible water system that will expand the industrial and commercial development lands on our reserve and provide better water quality.
What you see happening right across the country is that the federal government, through its regulatory regime, has tried to deal with water quality and potable water, but hasn't been able to meet its own measuring yardstick, if you will.
We're proposing the creation, through legislation, of a first nations infrastructure institute, so the federal government could monetize its own expenditures in capital development and infrastructure. At the same time it would be giving and harnessing the potential of the fiscal transfers that we should be getting.
As an example, right now we're collecting about $110 million in real property tax right across the country on first nations lands. Over those same properties, the federal and provincial governments are collecting $700 million.
We're asking for a change to that policy, so that those monies that are generated within our communities can remain with us and so that we can build ourselves better, business-ready infrastructure and create the business climate that Canada needs and first nations need for pandemic recovery.
View Cathy McLeod Profile
CPC (BC)
I know that sometimes people say that some communities are better positioned, because they're near urban settings or have traffic and development opportunities.
I perceive that the institute would also service rural and remote communities. Could you talk a little bit more about whether that will play any role for the communities that perhaps would be hardest hit?
C.T. (Manny) Jules
View C.T. (Manny) Jules Profile
C.T. (Manny) Jules
2020-12-11 14:37
One of our advisory committee members is from the far north of Ontario in a fly-in community. They see the need for a national infrastructure institute to be able to work with them to do planning, have training and ultimately have the fiscal resources to manage such projects. One community on its own just doesn't have the resources nor the capacity to be able to operate complex projects such as this. If we can begin to monetize federal expenditures, particularly in far northern communities and remote communities, we will all be better off because we're going to be able to coordinate those projects on a national basis, working with individual first nations.
Right now we're working with the Mi'kmaq water authority, which is made up of about 25 different communities in Nova Scotia. We're also working with the British Columbia health authority. Post pandemic, we will be in a position to be able to build not one health care centre but 20. That's the kind of imagination that we must have. If there's a problem, we should be able to go in with a first nation institution and create the climate where we can have true third party partnerships. Right now the only private-public partnership we have in the country—irony of ironies—is building a provincial jail on the Osoyoos reserve.
One of the priorities that we have is definitely to work with remote communities, to ensure that they have potable water and services that are equivalent to the Canadian standard.
View Cathy McLeod Profile
CPC (BC)
On the land registry, these are not expensive asks, but I think they're very important systemic and structural asks. Can you talk about the land registry, which of course was your fifth recommendation?
C.T. (Manny) Jules
View C.T. (Manny) Jules Profile
C.T. (Manny) Jules
2020-12-11 14:39
Right now, because of COVID, the Department of Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs hasn't been able to keep up with the business of registering land transfers, particularly with band leases and what are called “locateee leases”. That's had a direct impact on the business line of individuals as well as band communities.
What I said in my presentation is that there's a $172-billion shortfall in the potential that first nations have. One of the panellists was talking about housing. One of the reasons first nations can't keep up with the housing demand is that the federal government looks at housing as a labiality.
We want to turn that on its head so that individuals are able to monetize and go to the credit markets to build their own home, have equity in their own home and be able to retain the underlying title of our own land. We're not asking that these lands be given up, but that the federal government put in place a mechanism that our ancestors asked for in 1910 to have our own land title system so that we can compete on better terms with the whites, so that we have our own land registry and so that all governments would know that these are our lands.
The biggest problem is that the federal government owns these lands as a result of section 91(24) of the Constitution Act, so the interest is vested in Queen Elizabeth.
View Annie Koutrakis Profile
Lib. (QC)
View Annie Koutrakis Profile
2020-12-11 14:41
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
To save a little time, I will ask Mr. Viau both my questions.
One of the recommendations in your brief is that Canada implement a national standard for zero-emission vehicles.
In your opinion, what regulatory measures and incentives should the government implement to achieve your objective of 100% electric vehicle sales by 2040?
In addition, the Quebec government recently announced that it will ban the sale of gas-powered cars by the beginning of the next decade. Should the federal government consider implementing this nationally? Is this a sustainable measure?
Marc-André Viau
View Marc-André Viau Profile
Marc-André Viau
2020-12-11 14:42
Thank you for your questions, Ms. Koutrakis.
On the first question, I think it takes a combination of measures to set up a proper zero-emission vehicle strategy that will reduce not only the emissions of our transportation sector, but also all vehicles in general.
In terms of the electrification of transportation, we can replace gas-powered cars with electric cars, but that doesn't solve the traffic problems. So there needs to be a modal shift to public transit and active transportation. There needs to be infrastructure for active transportation, whether for conventional or electric bicycles. We are not really exploiting this huge potential right now, and we should.
To go back a little, let's say that the new plan announced this morning by the government addresses this issue somewhat. The ZEV standard is part of a regulatory approach that requires manufacturers to make zero-emission vehicles available to consumers under a fairly complex scoring system. I won't go into details. We are seeing that the highest sales of zero-emission vehicles are in British Columbia and Quebec, where this standard is in place. This regulatory part is intended to address the supply issue.
The financial incentives for purchase have been reconfirmed in today's plan. On our end, we are proposing a system of fees or rebates, also known as a “bonus-malus” system, to ensure that the market itself, not the government, pays the fee. Under this system, buyers of more polluting vehicles pay for buyers of less polluting vehicles. That's a principle that we advocate.
So we are talking about a regulatory aspect, a financial incentive and the policies that accompany a modal shift.
Your second question was about the Quebec government, I believe.
View Peter Fragiskatos Profile
Lib. (ON)
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Ms. Eaton, first of all, thank you for the extraordinary work that you and the organization are doing. I note that the CMHA website says that the goal the organization and you have is to work “with key partners across Canada to reimagine the mental health system in Canada.” That's a direct quote from the vision statement of the group, which is a laudable goal.
How can the federal government help to do that and what does a reimagined mental health care system in Canada look like?
Margaret Eaton
View Margaret Eaton Profile
Margaret Eaton
2020-12-11 14:46
It's a big goal, and I think one of the ways we've started to think about it is that we have universal health care but not universal mental health care. What you would find in other G7 nations, with the exception of the United States, is a fully funded mental health care system that includes everything, from the basic sorts of treatments we described in BounceBack for depression and anxiety, all the way to the treatment of major mental illness.
Right now, what we have in Canada is a system that is funded for clinical care. We fund hospitals and psychiatrists, but we don't fund psychologists, psychotherapists, and depression and anxiety care and treatment. We want to see funding for a full cycle of care, the full-step care model, as it's called. The piece that's missing is early intervention for community mental health care.
In the United Kingdom right now, if you're experiencing depression or anxiety, you can go to a community centre and get in-person or virtual care. It's been fantastically successful. It's inexpensive and it takes pressure off the critical care system. That is the kind of investment we would like to see in the longer term.
Where does the federal government come in? We believe there would probably have to be changes to the Canada Health Act, as one step, and there needs to be mechanisms so the federal government can fund the provinces to ensure there is allocation for these other aspects of step care for mental health.
View Gabriel Ste-Marie Profile
BQ (QC)
Mr. Chair, you talked about a unanimous motion passed this morning in the House. Before I move to questions, I would like to clarify that it seeks to create a three-digit telephone number, 988, as in the United States, for people who are in psychological distress or who have suicidal thoughts. The motion received the unanimous support of the House.
Unfortunately, this afternoon, we failed to pass a motion that could have received unanimous support. It was an adjournment motion that would have allowed us to continue the work of this committee next week. The Liberal Party and the Conservative Party were unable to agree on a short motion that would have allowed the committees to meet next week and allowed us, the Standing Committee on Finance, to continue our pre-budget consultations. Yesterday, we were told that they were prepared to continue if the House moved forward, but that was not the case, so the committee will not sit until the end of January. That is unfortunate.
However, we still have a very good panel of witnesses to wrap up these pre-budget consultations. So thank you to all the witnesses who are here. Their presentations and answers are very valuable to all of us.
My questions are for you, Mr. Viau. I would like to start with your first recommendation on zero-emission vehicles, which is to have 100% zero-emission vehicle sales by 2040.
How does this recommendation compare to what is being implemented in other countries?
Marc-André Viau
View Marc-André Viau Profile
Marc-André Viau
2020-12-11 14:49
I don't have the comparative table in front of me, but I would say that it's around the average. Some countries are much more advanced, such as Norway, which is aiming for 2025. Your colleague Ms. Koutrakis mentioned that Quebec is aiming for 2035. What we particularly like about the Quebec government's announcement of its 2035 target, made after Canada announced its 2040 target, is the healthy competition created between the different jurisdictions, which allows them to raise the bar. If we have the opportunity to see the bar raised in Canada, it will be good news for us.
In my presentation, I also mentioned the City of Montreal's climate action plan, which calls for the creation of a zero-emission area in downtown Montreal in 2030. So we are seeing another administration raise its bar, once again. It's not for its entire territory, but it will force higher levels of government to act.
View Gabriel Ste-Marie Profile
BQ (QC)
I found this announcement particularly good.
In terms of climate change, will the creation of this type of area have an impact, or will it be more symbolic? Is the goal to show that this can be done in a contained area and then to expand the area? In other words, is the goal to show that this can be done, or is this type of measure enough to have a concrete impact?
Results: 61 - 75 of 1884 | Page: 5 of 126

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