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Results: 106 - 120 of 349
Nicole Rempel
View Nicole Rempel Profile
Nicole Rempel
2021-05-06 12:55
Yes, for sure.
Right now under our land code we are developing a community protection law, an adjudication law and a justice tribunal. It doesn't specifically say we can do that within the framework agreement, but it doesn't say we cannot. Those are the options we're looking at.
We have so many first nation communities adjacent to K'ómoks First Nation, like Homalco, Campbell River, Cape Mudge and others, that are also land code nations. When I was talking with other lands managers, prior to being chief, we kicked around the idea of developing a kind of first nations enforcement department where we could cost-share that among first nations land management nations. That's a possible solution. They would, of course, need the required training and the funding.
That's always been the question. Where does that funding come from? I don't think that the FNLM is as funded as it could be by the federal government for the amount of authority that it has passed on to first nations. I feel that there's a serious lack of funding for the FNLM.
View Jaime Battiste Profile
Lib. (NS)
Okay. I appreciate that.
Chief Blake, you said you were part of processes whereby you meet with police chiefs from other areas. Can you tell me about some of the best practices you're hearing about from across the province and nationally on how indigenous people are able to pass laws and get enforcement of those laws?
Keith Blake
View Keith Blake Profile
Keith Blake
2021-05-06 12:59
Each community is very unique. Each governance structure is very unique. It's very difficult to give a global picture, other than to say that there is a strong desire within all the communities to have legislation that is reflective of their community and their desires on law enforcement, as well as legislation that supports the safe running of their community and the safety of their community members.
When you look for best practices, there are many across the country. Obviously, my familiarity comes with what we have locally, and I think it really takes a Herculean effort to move this to where there's actually buy-in from our province within the provincial court system. Obviously, if it has to deal with the federal side, with the COVID laws that have come in and the Health Act laws, that is being supported through the Public Prosecution Service of Canada, and that's good to see.
Again, what I always like to say is that it's really important to hear from each community as to what their uniqueness is and how their structures support the community. I will say that in our instance here, there's is a strong community connection. Every two years, we reach out to every single house within this nation. We have a series of questions to ask about policing: what's good, what's bad, what we are doing well and what we need to do a lot better. That gives us the understanding not only from our local government, which is very engaged, but it also gives us the understanding of the community, and that's the voice we need to listen to.
Again, what they do is that they tell us where we need to improve, but they also give us advice on some of the areas that seep into the justice system—again, where it's more restorative in nature.
I would honestly say that the nation I work for—and humbly work for—is a best practice, but there are multitudes across this country that are doing an excellent job as well.
View Rachel Blaney Profile
NDP (BC)
I will. Thank you so much, Mr. Chair.
Ms. Rempel, if I could come back to you, I have two questions. I'm going to put them together as one and then just let you answer, since I have only two and a half minutes.
After the court case in 2018, looking back, would you make the same decision to move toward the land code or not? What do you think would be helpful from the federal government so that your nation has better outcomes for exercising policing authority over your own people with your own laws in your own territory?
Nicole Rempel
View Nicole Rempel Profile
Nicole Rempel
2021-05-06 13:05
I would, a hundred per cent, still look to the land code. As difficult as it is to have these laws and things enforced and recognized, I believe it is better than the Indian Act. The Indian Act is a very oppressive thing and very limiting to first nations. I have faith in the system, and I have faith that we can work together to address these issues. It just takes an initiative from the federal and provincial governments to actually not just listen to first nations but hear us, hear what the issues are and work together to address them.
View Rachel Blaney Profile
NDP (BC)
The second part of that was: What would be helpful from the federal government to actually make those outcomes concrete?
Nicole Rempel
View Nicole Rempel Profile
Nicole Rempel
2021-05-06 13:06
Better funding specifically for first nations land management and better funding for the issues around enforcement. From a treaty perspective, looking to tighten up the treaty language and ensuring that there is the opportunity for adjudication, enforcement and recognition of our laws as enactments within the provincial system are critical so that we can actually be self-governing. If you don't have the enforcement of your laws, then you're not actually a self-governing nation.
Bertha Rabesca Zoe
View Bertha Rabesca Zoe Profile
Bertha Rabesca Zoe
2021-05-04 16:19
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you to the committee for giving me the opportunity to speak today on this important issue.
My name is Bertha Rabesca Zoe, and I've been asked to speak on behalf of the Tlicho and other self-governing indigenous governments about the significant challenges our communities face when it comes to housing.
Close to half of Tlicho citizens do not have their core housing needs met. For those of you who may not be familiar with the Northwest Territories, Tlicho live just north of Yellowknife in four communities. There are over 20 communities in the Northwest Territories.
More than 128 Tlicho families are currently on a wait-list for housing. These families are waiting eight or nine years to get a roof over their heads. Over a quarter of the homeless population in Yellowknife is from the Tlicho community of Behchoko. I'm in Behchoko right now, and we're about an hour's drive from Yellowknife. Many of these people are young children, women and families. We simply do not have the houses needed to give them a place to live.
Tlicho citizens also face disproportionately higher rates of overcrowding. Twenty per cent of Tlicho families live in overcrowded conditions. There are very serious health implications to these housing gaps. Even before COVID-19, researchers were sounding the alarm on the impact of overcrowding in Tlicho homes. While tuberculosis was all but eradicated in most of Canada, as of 2018 the Tlicho community of Behchoko had more cases of tuberculosis than all the other communities of the entire NWT combined. This should come as no surprise.
Behchoko has been widely referred to as ground zero for the Tlicho housing crisis. The housing conditions in this community are objectively the worst in the entire territories. Measures such as social distancing and self-isolation are impossible to implement in Behchoko and for our citizens experiencing homelessness. This is the same for most first nations in the Northwest Territories, as well as across Canada.
Just this past weekend, schools in Yellowknife and the surrounding areas closed in response to a rising number of COVID cases caused by the U.K. variant of concern. Yesterday, the schools in Behchoko followed suit.
The Tlicho citizens who live in shelter systems in Yellowknife and the many Behchoko residents who travel to Yellowknife daily for groceries, work and other essential needs are all in danger. If just one citizen catches this virus, it will spread through our homes like wildfire.
When we say that our communities need housing, this is what we are talking about. When we say we are vulnerable to COVID-19, this is how dire it is.
I understand the committee is considering how the federal government is spending COVID-19 money on housing programs. My message to you is that more needs to be done to help self-governments like the Tlicho to address the fundamental housing shortages our people face.
The rapid housing initiative was a step in the right direction, but it did not go far enough to target the disparities in indigenous communities. Over half the available funding under the initiative went to municipalities. The second stream was open to indigenous governments, but we are competing with provinces, territories, municipalities and non-profit organizations for a limited pool of resources.
The evidence is clear that the housing crisis in indigenous communities far outstrips the needs elsewhere. We are, therefore, recommending that the committee consider these disparities and prioritize more funding to where the need is highest.
We also think that future initiatives need to be more responsive to the realities of remote communities. The rapid housing initiative prioritized housing projects that could be up and running in 12 months or less. Getting construction jobs organized in remote places takes time. You might have to wait for a winter road or a supply arrangement that takes longer than you would see in more southerly areas.
The Tlicho and other self-governments should not be disadvantaged because of the complexities of building infrastructure in remote locations. If future program spending does not incorporate more flexibility, we will continue to be disadvantaged in the ways that we have been for far too long already.
Lastly, funding for housing should flow directly to self-governments. Our treaties establish our governments as partners in Canada’s system of fiscal federalism. Providing direct allocations is in line with the government-to-government relationships we share with Canada.
As you consider federal spending on COVID-19 programs and initiatives, I hope that you will keep in mind both the evidence of need in indigenous communities as well as the impact that an investment in indigenous housing would have, not just on reducing the spread of COVID-19 but on improving outcomes for generations of indigenous citizens across the country. I am hopeful that the challenges posed by COVID-19 will give us an opportunity to right some of the historic wrongs that continue to impact our people and an opportunity to build a brighter future for our citizens.
Marsi for allowing us to present to you today. I have with me my colleague, Matt Mehaffey; he was introduced earlier. He will be available to answer technical questions if you have them.
Marsi cho.
View Tony Baldinelli Profile
CPC (ON)
That's great. Thank you.
Also, as part of that, one aspect of our our clean energy advantage that you talked about was that it can also support indigenous self-determination. I was wondering if you could expand on that a bit.
Mark Zacharias
View Mark Zacharias Profile
Mark Zacharias
2021-05-04 12:31
Yes. There is an organization called Indigenous Clean Energy that looks at building partnerships with indigenous nations as well as with rural and remote communities. The recent federal budget, budget 2021, had, I believe, $35 million for indigenous clean energy generation, so there is an opportunity there, particularly as renewable grids require large areas, for either wind or solar. Those can be located on a lot of indigenous lands in indigenous territories, ideally with their full consent and partnership.
C.T. (Manny) Jules
View C.T. (Manny) Jules Profile
C.T. (Manny) Jules
2021-04-15 12:11
Good morning, honourable members.
My name is Manny Jules. I am the chief commissioner of the First Nations Tax Commission, which is one of three institutions created by the First Nations Fiscal Management Act, or FMA. I was also chief of the Kamloops Indian Band from 1984 to 2000.
Thank you for this opportunity to address this committee as part of your study on competitiveness in Canada.
Canada's productivity challenge is real and COVID-19 has made it acute. Meeting this challenge will determine whether or not we can maintain or improve our living standards, lift first nations out of poverty, and continue to fund our social infrastructure. Despite immigration, Canada is an aging society. Service costs like health care will rise sharply. We are going to have trouble maintaining services, particularly at the provincial level, unless we can improve productivity.
There are a few factors that determine productivity. I'm going to focus on just one, which is improving the first nations' investment climate.
First nations are a younger and faster growing population than Canada as a whole. We have higher unemployment, lower pay and, often, unproductive land. Too many of our children grow up without being exposed to work opportunities and the role models those create. This puts them at a disadvantage for the rest of their lives. That is not good for Canada's competitiveness.
I have spent most of my career turning this around. I have concluded that the root of our problem is the way we are viewed.
You see a social problem that needs to be fixed with government programs. I have a different philosophy. I think our disparities are fundamentally economic. Our economic issues are a result of first nations being systematically legislated out of the economy. Government oversight has prevented investment from happening on our lands. Social problems are a result of that.
How can we fix this? We need to focus on removing the things that have taken us out of the economy. We talk about the costs of interprovincial trade barriers, and rightfully so. We also need to talk about the investment barriers that have been put up around first nation lands.
We have identified a successful, three-part formula to build a stronger first nation investment climate. It is based on putting decision-making power in first nation hands, so they can respond to opportunities. First, develop legislation that recognizes first nation jurisdiction and provides an orderly process to occupy it. Second, establish first nation institutions to provide support and standards, so that first nations implement their jurisdiction in a manner that grows their economies and enhances the economic union of Canada. Third, provide training and capacity development to first nation administrations, so they know what to do.
This approach has worked. The First Nation Fiscal Management Act is the most successful first nation-led legislative initiative in Canadian history. This committee should build on that success by supporting four proposals to improve the act.
First, first nations need more sustainable economic infrastructure. In the last year, we have worked closely with the federal government to develop the legislation for a first nation infrastructure institute. The rapid implementation of this institute will ensure that we have the foundation to compete in a competitive investment climate.
Second, we need to provide tax and decision-making power to first nations. You cannot have government decision-making power if you are entirely funded by a contribution agreement. Fiscal powers give us a strong incentive for economic success. It reward good policies in a way that program funding never will. It allows us to implement our jurisdictions so we can, in my dad's words, move at the speed of business.
This can start with two easily implemented fiscal powers: a sales tax on fuel, alcohol, tobacco, and cannabis—the FACT tax—and FACT excise tax sharing. I must note that on Monday, the Government of New Brunswick unilaterally cancelled the tax-sharing agreement with first nations in that province. The fiscal math of Canada is unrelenting. First nations need new legislated tax powers.
Third, we need to improve our resource economy competitiveness. First nations are often the only governments in a region that don't receive direct fiscal benefits from major resource projects in their territories. This makes it difficult to get our participation and support, and that means resource investment has fallen off relative to our competitors. Hundreds of billions of dollars have been diverted to other countries. We can fix this with a resource charge, supported with an offsetting federal tax credit. This would create transparent, standardized and stable first nation fiscal benefits from resource development. It could coordinate with federal and provincial tax systems.
The FNTC would support its implementation and coordination. This would provide many rural and remote first nations with economic opportunities and break the cycle of poverty that disadvantages so many children from an early age.
View Pierre Poilievre Profile
CPC (ON)
Thank you very much.
My questions will start with Mr. Ross.
Mr. Ross, if you listen to the media, you would think that all first nations are against all resource development.
Can you tell me the truth about where the communities you represent stand on these projects?
Ellis Ross
View Ellis Ross Profile
Ellis Ross
2021-04-15 12:22
A lot of the communities that support LNG, for example, do so under their own community processes, under democratically elected leadership. What you see in B.C. right now is a push to silence or marginalize democratically elected first nations people. It's the politics and ideology. It's a big problem in B.C.
In fact, with everything you talked about in terms of the media, nobody has actually gone to all those first nations that signed on to Kinder Morgan or the LNG projects. There are two major LNG projects in Kitimat, and both have the support of first nations.
Nobody wants to do a story on that, because it's not sexy enough. It doesn't make headlines. Yet, already you see the benefit going to all of these communities along the way in addressing poverty, substance abuse, children in care. It doesn't make the news because it's just not sexy.
View Pierre Poilievre Profile
CPC (ON)
Right.
With regard to all of the journalists and so-called environmental activists who stand in the way of the projects that would lift your people out of poverty, once they succeed at blocking the projects, do they stay around to help your people?
Ellis Ross
View Ellis Ross Profile
Ellis Ross
2021-04-15 12:23
No. In fact, if they don't get the support of the leadership of a community, they will find somebody else within that community to support their opposition.
It's something I have talked about as a number one principle that I see with legislatures: Do not use the first nations for your politics, for those who are among the most disadvantaged people in Canada. Especially in the last 15 years, we have seen light at the end of the tunnel where we can engage in the economy and actually say no to government funding.
Results: 106 - 120 of 349 | Page: 8 of 24

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