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Results: 1 - 15 of 357
View James Moore Profile
CPC (BC)
Mr. Speaker, we have already answered that question very clearly.
There are other very simple questions that we as parliamentarians want answers to.
The House leader of the NDP has put forward a motion.
We are very curious for the leader of the Liberal Party to answer his own questions on his expenses on the taxpayer's dime. Did taxpayers foot the bill for the cost of him travelling to his speaking events and his private speaking business while he was a member of Parliament? Did he bill taxpayers for the cost of his speaking tours while having the worst voting attendance record of any leader in the House?
View Rob Anders Profile
CPC (AB)
View Rob Anders Profile
2013-06-11 14:13 [p.18082]
Mr. Speaker, after weeks of defending the status quo in the Senate, the Liberal leader is now coming to the defence of Liberal Senator Mac Harb, who even the Toronto Star has called disgraced.
Speaking to Global News recently, the Liberal leader said he would absolutely welcome the senator back to the Liberal caucus.
Senator Mac Harb is refusing to repay more than $50,000 in inappropriately claimed housing allowances and, instead, is trying to stick taxpayers with the bill.
Defending Senator Mac Harb is not the only lapse in judgment on the Liberal leader's part in recent weeks. The Liberal leader continues to allow Liberal Senator Pana Merchant to sit in the Liberal caucus despite uncertainty over the status of a $1.7-million offshore bank account that media have reported she has not declared publicly, as required by Senate rules.
The Liberal leader's defence of Senator Mac Harb and Pana Merchant is just more proof—
View Ted Opitz Profile
CPC (ON)
View Ted Opitz Profile
2013-06-11 14:17 [p.18083]
Mr. Speaker, the leader of the Liberal Party is in way over his head. While we know that Liberal senator Mac Harb owes taxpayers $50,000 for inappropriately claimed housing expenses, media in fact are now reporting that he will owe taxpayers up to $200,000 in inappropriate expenses.
The Liberal senator is refusing to pay back to taxpayers the money they are owed. How does the Liberal leader respond? He responds by telling Global News that he will absolutely welcome the senator back into the Liberal caucus.
What is worse is that the Liberal leader has come out and championed the status quo in the Senate, because according to him, it benefits his home province of Quebec.
To top it all off, the Liberal leader has known for months about Liberal Senator Pana Merchant and her $1.7-million offshore bank account, which the media are also reporting. The Liberal leader has said nothing.
Does the Liberal leader not understand what meaningful reform in the Senate looks like, or is he just simply in over his head?
View Philip Toone Profile
NDP (QC)
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise in the House today to debate Bill S-2, An Act respecting family homes situated on First Nation reserves and matrimonial interests or rights in or to structures and lands situated on those reserves.
This is not the first time this issue has come up in the House of Commons. Similar bills have been debated during previous Parliaments. This is the fourth time we have talked about this issue. Why did the government wait so long to bring this bill forward? Why, after all this time, is it still flawed?
Aboriginal women's rights advocacy groups have made it clear to me that they are against this bill. I would like to point out that they were not consulted with respect to Bill S-2. They were consulted previously about other bills on this issue.
Fortunately, parliamentary committees asked people to appear as witnesses on this subject. Of course, the Conservative government seems to be restricting parliamentary committees' freedom more and more, which means that fewer and fewer witnesses are able to appear. Still, aboriginal women's groups were able to testify before the parliamentary committee, and they expressed clear opposition to this bill.
I would like to say a few more things about that. What is the primary objective of the bill before us? Matrimonial rights are simply not covered in the Indian Act, so we have a dilemma because some areas of jurisdiction may be seen as falling under provincial legislation. How are we addressing that?
The bill before us concerns matrimonial rights and interests, primarily with respect to property rights. In Canada, there are two kinds of property: movable assets and real property. Real property means everything not attached to the ground. This bill is really about rights to housing, homes and land. The dilemma is that first nations do not own their own land. This is a real legal dilemma, and Bill S-2 makes a noble attempt to resolve it. This is a step in the right direction because we have to recognize that this is a problem we need to solve.
The problem is that not only do first nations members not own their own land, but they are also currently experiencing a housing crisis because there are not enough homes. That causes all kinds of problems. This bill addresses sociological issues that could cause families to split up or that could lead to divorce, but it also addresses cases in which there is a death. In such cases, we have to determine what happens to the family assets.
The bill tries to address these problems, but unfortunately it does not do nearly enough.
For example, if the first nations are experiencing a housing crisis, if a woman wants to separate from her husband or if a family splits up, where will these people live?
The bill skips a number of steps. The first step seems quite obvious to me: fix the housing crisis within our first nations. If there is a shortage of housing, where will people go if they want a divorce? A number of families in my riding share the same home. That makes no sense. We need to fix this problem.
This bill brings up another problem: access to justice. Legal assistance is simply not available. That is another area of shared responsibility, since provincial and federal courts are unfamiliar with the rights and traditions of the first nations. Unfortunately, this bill does nothing to address those issues.
We must absolutely talk about the courts having a knowledge of first nations traditions. Why would the first nations be subject to a provincial court if that court is not familiar with first nations traditions?
The Crown has an obligation to ensure that the courts that are affected by this bill have the information they need well in advance. The funding is simply not there. Once again, the Conservative government wants to place an obligation on the provinces without giving them the resources they need to fulfill it.
This is a rather serious problem across Canada. Every time this Conservative government suggests sharing responsibilities with the provinces, it seems to forget that this requires resources. It completely ignores the fact that the provinces do not have the means, especially when they are being forced to take on more and more roles that would normally be federal responsibilities.
In any event, since it is mostly women who would be affected by this bill, how are they supposed to exercise their new rights if they do not have the means to do so? How are they going to get to the courts in question if they do not live in the designated communities? They will be far from home.
If the bill passes, many aboriginal women will simply be incapable of exercising their rights because they will not have the means to get to the courts in question, which will quite often be far from their community. This is major flaw. Why not plan to have the courts go to them, instead of insisting that the courts, which are quite far away, be the places where matters related to this bill are resolved?
Parliament has dealt with this bill a number of times, in a number of previous parliaments, and a number of studies have been done. The problem is that the recommendations that have come out of these studies have been ignored and are not included in Bill S-2.
The Senate came out with the report, “A Hard Bed to Lie in: Matrimonial Real Property on Reserve”.
In that case, in 2003, they recommended that provincial laws apply. That was a good idea.
The Senate, “Still Waiting“ in 2004, identified the lack of clarity for the rights of women on reserve as a human rights issue that was a recurring recommendation from the UN, which was a very damaging report.
In 2005, “Arm-in-Arm”, the parliamentary committee talks came up with five recommendations, which we see very few of in the bill in front of us today.
In 2006, again, the Status of Women report identified barriers, including insufficient funding or the implementation of it, especially for the problem of chronic housing shortages on reserves and the lack of high level consultations.
Again, the need for consultation and funding was recommended and, again in the bill, the government simply did not do its jobs. It did not consult with first nations on Bill S-2. The Conservatives asked them to come to the parliamentary committees. Thank goodness the opposition was there to insist that they show up, otherwise the government never would have consult first nations women, which is absolutely hypocritical on its part.
One of the biggest problems with this bill is that aboriginal communities have only 12 months to implement it. Most of the communities asked for three years if this bill passes. One year is absolutely not enough.
Again, there are some serious problems to address in aboriginal communities. There is a chronic lack of housing in aboriginal communities. If we do not deal with these basic problems, then how can we deal with fundamental problems such as matrimonial rights?
Matrimonial rights cannot be dealt with if a woman has nowhere else to stay. This is a simple, but fundamental problem. If we do not tackle the fundamental problems of first nations, then a bill like Bill S-2 can never be implemented fairly and in such a way as to guarantee the rights of aboriginal women in Canada.
View Costas Menegakis Profile
CPC (ON)
View Costas Menegakis Profile
2013-06-10 14:13 [p.17969]
Mr. Speaker, after weeks of defending the status quo in the Senate, the leader of the Liberal Party is now coming to the defence of Liberal Senator Mac Harb. Speaking to Global News yesterday, the leader of the Liberal Party said he would “absolutely” welcome the disgraced senator back to the Liberal caucus. Media reports say that Senator Harb is refusing to repay up to $200,000 in inappropriately claimed housing allowances and instead is trying to stick taxpayers with the bill.
Defending disgraced Senator Mac Harb is not the only lapse in judgment by the leader of the Liberal Party. The leader of the Liberal Party continues to allow Liberal senators to sit in the Liberal caucus despite allegations of financial impropriety. This is just more proof that the leader of the Liberal Party lacks the judgment to be prime minister and is in way over his head.
View Kirsty Duncan Profile
Lib. (ON)
View Kirsty Duncan Profile
2013-06-06 16:32 [p.17841]
Mr. Speaker, to make this personal, to make this real to people in this chamber, 82-year-old Mr. Taylor is diabetic. He requires dialysis every few days. He has no bathroom and no running water. He draws his water from a hole in the ice. He has an outhouse, but the temperatures drop to -40° C.
Former auditor general Sheila Fraser reported that the government had failed time and again to take measures that would improve the quality of life for first nations. The basics of life, such as adequate housing, clean drinking water, child welfare and education, are persistently and dramatically substandard.
Ms. Fraser said, in her parting words to Parliament, “a disproportionate number of First Nations people still lack the most basic services that other Canadians take for granted.... In a country as rich as Canada, this disparity is unacceptable.”
View Pat Martin Profile
NDP (MB)
View Pat Martin Profile
2013-06-06 16:33 [p.17841]
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague for reminding us of the powerful words of one of the most respected auditors general Canada has ever seen, and the admonition that she expressed as one of her parting speeches.
We just heard that Elijah Harper passed away, quite an iconic aboriginal leader. My colleague is right, in Red Sucker Lake, there is no running water and that is where he is from. There was a funeral service for him. My colleague, the member for Churchill attended. It is not that there is no running water, it is that a lot of the houses have no running water in Red Sucker Lake.
Shamattawa, Pukatawagan, Poplar River, we have toured those communities. It is absurd. Not only are there 15 people living in a house designed for 5, but when we took off the drywall to observe, we found black fur mould. Kids were crawling around on the streets. They have mold in their houses, no running water and are using a five-gallon oil can as their toilet.
We should not tolerate these conditions. Why do we? Desmond Tutu had it right when he visited Canada. He shook his head at our northern reserves and said, “Ah, yes, we have this, too, in my country. It is appalling”.
View Carol Hughes Profile
NDP (ON)
Mr. Speaker, I will share my time with the member for Manicouagan.
I rise today to speak to Bill S-8. I had the opportunity to speak to this bill last November. I sat on the committee and I must say that the testimony from witnesses only reinforced the NDP's opinion that this is a flawed piece of legislation.
At the heart of this debate is a basic human right: the right to safe, affordable and adequate drinking water. Unfortunately, this is a challenge in many Canadian communities, including several first nations and Inuit communities.
Canada has such an abundance of water that it is hard to imagine that such problems could exist in such a developed country.
While the appropriate course of action is to develop safe, reliable systems in partnership with the communities in need, the Conservative government has chosen to legislate regulations that would force these communities to go it alone. In fact, this legislation seems more about pursuing a Conservative view of how first nations should be run than about dealing with the actual problem. It would create demands and conditions for first nations, yet it is predictably short on the resources that would allow these communities to comply.
Bill S-8 excuses the government from its primary obligations to first nations while subjecting them to substantial risk, significant financial burdens and a patchwork of provincial standards for the delivery of safe drinking water.
This bill fails miserably when it comes to the real challenge, which is helping first nations build the capacity that would allow them to do the work of administering water and waste water systems on their lands. It is a classic case of putting the cart before the horse. In the case of communities that have been consistently asking for assistance for specific problems, they are getting rules and regulations instead of help with bricks and mortar.
The problems we have seen with flooding this spring in Kashechewan help illustrate this point. That community has been asking for help with waste water, which has been identified as problematic, since flooding in 2008. It has asked for assistance in developing storm sewers and with placing back-flow limiters on each house. Guess what? The government has consistently refused to step up, and this spring, homes in that community were inundated with backed-up raw sewage, which then forced the community to be evacuated. The minister tried to blame this on the lack of training, yet it was a company that was actually monitoring this.
On a larger scale, we can consider the testimony the committee heard from a municipal group that included the mayor of Maple Ridge and metro Vancouver's general manager of corporate services, both of whom sit on metro Vancouver's aboriginal relations committee. They reminded the committee that the report of the 2009 national assessment of first nations water and waste water estimated the cost to bring 618 individual first nations up to standard would be $4.7 billion, and it would take a decade. In addition to that, the cost to operate these improved systems would be $419 million a year.
The metro Vancouver delegation told us that local governments were concerned about this legislation's broad powers to delegate to any person or body any aspect of drinking water provision, monitoring and enforcement, which could have significant implications for local governments, as providers of utility services. It also highlighted areas of concern identified by local governments.
On that note, I want to tell the House that what we were hearing was that it may be very difficult to have municipal governments even wanting to assist first nations in hooking up to their systems because of the onerous aspects of this legislation.
Among their concerns were the following: there has been a lack of consultation and local government input; the transfer of responsibilities is unknown; the level of services is unclear; there are challenges with bylaw regulations and enforcement; there are legislative and jurisdictional uncertainties, which appear to be similar to the First Nations Commercial and Industrial Development Act; regulatory authority over reserves is unclear; there is a need to clarify financial liabilities; there are unknown funding capacities; and there is a lack of an adequate implementation plan. Does that sound like legislation that is ready to roll out? I do not think so.
As I mentioned, the committee heard from many witnesses who spoke to the deficiencies in Bill S-8. The Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs has made three submissions on this bill and its predecessor, Bill S-11. It echoed many of the criticisms of other witnesses and stated:
We remain alarmed and concerned with the federal government’s continued approach and insistence that legislation is the answer for First Nations. We question why the current Canadian Government must be compelled to legislate as opposed to doing what is humane and just by providing adequate resources to ensure comparable water systems as the rest of Canada.
It went on to state:
Trust is earned through respectful, reciprocal and honourable actions and good faith negotiations.
It added:
The creation of legislation and policy without seeking and meeting the realistic needs of First Nations will not create success or the accountability that government is seeking for its investments.
It is not for a lack of desire that first nations do not have appropriate systems to deliver safe drinking water or manage waste water. If there is a deficiency in the process, it is certainly related to being able to deliver on those desires.
I have heard from Whitefish River First Nation on this subject as well. In a letter to the minister, Chief Shining Turtle provided the government with some basic math that showed how flimsy the government's community infrastructure investment was, and also illustrated the incredible costs related to doing the kind of work that Bill S-8 would make mandatory for these communities.
Here is the math that I believe needs to be considered by all members. The government has committed $155 million over 10 years, so let us do the math. This comes out to about $15 million a year, divide that over 8 regions that INAC uses and it becomes $1.94 million a year per region. We are going down. Divide the $1.94 million over the Ontario region's 133 first nations and the total is $14,567.67 a year. How far will that go?
One more crucial number that has been provided is the cost per metre to construct water mains on the Whitefish River First Nation. It is $300 per metre.
While the government brags about the size of their investment in community infrastructure for first nations, in reality that money is only enough to build 48.5 metres of water main a year.
In addition to these problems, Bill S-8 regulations may incorporate, by reference, provincial regulations governing drinking and waste water in first nations communities, but those regulations are not uniform, which could lead to unequal burdens for communities for what is primarily a federal responsibility.
The expert panel on safe drinking water for first nations expressed concern about using provincial regulations, claiming it would result in a patchwork of regulations leading to some first nations having more stringent standards than others.
In addition to that, the regulations in this bill would overrule any laws or bylaws made by first nations. Bill S-8 would also limit the liability of the government for certain acts or omissions that occur in the performance of their duties under the regulations the bill sets out.
As I mentioned at the outset, safe drinking water is a basic human right. The connection to health and economic well-being that flows from safe, dependable and affordable water cannot be dismissed, but this legislation is missing the mark entirely.
In addition to that, the bill would leave communities on the hook for existing problems they may not have created themselves. In those instances, if what these places really want is to start over in an attempt to get things right, the reality is they will be saddled with problem systems they have inherited.
It will make first nations liable for water systems that have already proven inadequate, but offers no funding to help them improve those deficient systems. Even if a first nation wants to build a replacement to better suit its needs, it will have to maintain its old, often costly systems at the same time.
Here is an example of how that will work. Constance Lake First Nation's water supply has been through a state of emergency. Its traditional water source was contaminated by blue-green alga, which resulted in a shutdown of its water treatment plant. It has drilled two new wells and has been off boil-water advisories for the first time in years, but also requires a new system to ensure quality and to meet its growing demand. Under the provisions of this legislation, it will be liable for the old system, while it tries to build a new one. It will be forced to waste money instead of being allowed to invest it smartly.
I see my time is up, and I will finish up the rest during the question and answer period.
View Dan Albas Profile
CPC (BC)
View Dan Albas Profile
2013-06-06 19:20 [p.17864]
Mr. Speaker, I have learned a lot on this subject from today's debate. I would like to go back to the previous member's comments. When we talk about these things, most of the time the devil is in the details. I remember reading the bill the member spoke of, which called for all affordable housing, a provincial responsibility, to be up to LEED standards. That is just not acceptable. It will not be acceptable by the provinces and at the end of the day we would end up with less affordable housing with less money going towards these programs.
Why does the member believe the approach the government is taking, specifically on a case-by-case basis, would benefit an individual first nation band? At the end of the day, it would be that band that would benefit by a case-by-case system. I would like to hear his comments about how the bill would help move that forward.
View John Rafferty Profile
NDP (ON)
View John Rafferty Profile
2013-06-06 20:05 [p.17869]
Mr. Speaker, the one thing that has not been talked about, and I agree with the quote the member used, is the question of crucial investments. I think she said crucial investments in human resources and physical infrastructure. That needs to be done.
However, there are some corollary items that need to be dealt with. I am just thinking of one, which is housing. Part of the problem with a lot of first nations in northern Ontario is that they do not have adequate housing or the housing infrastructure to ensure that these water systems work and to make sure that they are there.
We can talk about regulations, saying that people have to be trained and this is what happens with water coming in and out. The fact of the matter is that housing is very inadequate on many first nations. Many of them are without running water. It is not just a question of a water system here and a water system there, it is also a question of making sure the total infrastructure has the funding to make it all work.
View Kevin Lamoureux Profile
Lib. (MB)
View Kevin Lamoureux Profile
2013-06-03 17:15 [p.17545]
Mr. Speaker, I want to pick up on a different but very important issue. It is related to housing.
For many Canadians from coast to coast to coast, housing is a very real issue. For middle-class and other Canadians, the issue is the affordability of a house, because the cost of housing has gone up. There are also individuals, particularly seniors on fixed incomes as well as others, who want to have work done on their homes.
Whether it is residential rehabilitation assistance programs, programs that we have seen in the past need to be enhanced or looked into at the very least, or the expansion of housing co-ops and the potential that housing co-ops have, thinking outside of the box and reinforcing good solid programs seems to have been lacking over the last couple of years in terms of investing in some sort of a national housing strategy to deal with Canada's housing situation.
I wonder if the member could comment on that issue and on how we have heard nary a word mentioned in the last couple of budgets on that very important issue.
View Raymond Côté Profile
NDP (QC)
View Raymond Côté Profile
2013-06-03 17:17 [p.17545]
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague from Winnipeg North for his question. This gives me a chance to remind the House that the government rejected our housing strategy.
It also allows me to share a memory that is truly very pleasant, and that is my first nomination as an NDP candidate in 2005. It was a few days, a few hours even, before my late leader, Jack Layton, reached an agreement with the Paul Martin government to cancel $3 billion in corporate tax cut and adopt measures for housing, among other things.
It is funny because that was my introduction to active politics and the three electoral campaigns I ran before being elected.
Housing has been a priority of ours for a long time. I want to thank my colleague from Saint-Hyacinthe—Bagot for fighting for this cause. We will continue to hold up our end; that is certain.
View David Sweet Profile
CPC (ON)
Mr. Speaker, one of the ways to elevate debate here is to ensure that any representation that is made is one that has some legitimacy.
A little while ago, the member for Winnipeg North posed a question regarding housing. The answer that came back was not one that was representative of what was in the budget. Therefore, I would like to ask my hon. colleague from Niagara West—Glanbrook about affordable housing and the landmark investments this government has made, which no other federal government made for almost the last three decades.
View Dean Allison Profile
CPC (ON)
View Dean Allison Profile
2013-06-03 18:04 [p.17552]
Mr. Speaker, that is one of the things this government has been very stringent on in terms of being responsible and looking out for those who are less fortunate. If we look at the commitments we have made in this budget, there are $119 million a year over five years for the homelessness partnering strategy, which continues to move forward. That is almost $600 million over the next five years just for that program alone. In terms of the affordable housing strategy, we have also committed $253 million per year over the next five years for that.
If we total up the amount of money that we have committed toward the homelessness partnering and affordable housing strategies, that money is in excess of $1.7 billion over the next five years. That quite clearly demonstrates our commitment to those who are less fortunate.
View Pat Martin Profile
NDP (MB)
View Pat Martin Profile
2013-05-29 14:20 [p.17236]
Mr. Speaker, last night both Conservative and Liberal senators feigned shock and horror to learn that Mike Duffy had been engaged in partisan politics while milking the Senate, but the reality is it is a time-honoured tradition. Lots of senators are full-time political operatives for their parties, with their salaries, their staff and their travel fully paid by the taxpayer. This has been going on for decades, but not a single Conservative or Liberal blew the whistle on any of these senators. Why would they? Just like there is no fix for an egg-sucking dog, once the senators got a taste for that juicy subsidy, there is no way to ever make them stop.
No wonder the Prime Minister's Office orchestrated a cover-up. How many other senators were working the last federal election while collecting a senator's salary?
In a few moments, the Prime Minister will again face simple, straightforward questions from the Leader of the Opposition. I implore the Prime Minister, out of respect for Canadians, to leave his talking points alone and tell Canadians the real story behind the Mike Duffy cover-up.
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