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Results: 1 - 15 of 227
View Tarik Brahmi Profile
NDP (QC)
View Tarik Brahmi Profile
2013-04-19 14:03 [p.15683]
Mr. Speaker, I would like to start by saying that I am very honoured to rise today to speak to Motion No. 230, which calls on the government to take the appropriate measures necessary to ensure that Canadians living with anaphylaxis are able to maintain a high quality of life.
Nearly 500,000 Canadians live with this medical condition. Approximately 50% of Canadians know someone who suffers from at least one food allergy, which goes to show that this issue affects a huge part of the population.
There are treatments available for this serious medical condition, which affects many Canadians and their families, and we know what causes these serious reactions. However, the federal government's efforts so far, while laudable, are not enough.
The NDP obviously supports this motion. However, I have some reservations about its scope and I lament the fact that there are no specific measures.
We have to keep in mind that anaphylaxis is a serious allergic reaction. It has rapid onset and can be fatal. It typically involves a number of signs and symptoms, affecting one or more systems of the body. The most common cause is food. In fact very common foods that are widely used in processed products account for 93% of anaphylaxis cases in children. That is why proper labelling is one of the most important actions to take.
There is the need to raise awareness among Canadians who are at risk, especially parents whose children might experience anaphylactic shock. Also, there is the need to improve primary care, community care, access to medication insurance, education, literacy and the need to review the exemption provided to brewers under the new labelling regulations.
Unfortunately, the current government has given priority to its irresponsible budget cuts and has cut $36 billion from health transfers to the provinces. That is a huge amount of money, and the cuts are having terrible consequences for Canadian families.
What we keep seeing is that this Conservative government wants to try to balance the budget, but it wants to do so at the provinces' expense. There has been one reform after another, and the provincial governments are being inundated with new expenses as the federal government keeps taking a step back.
Since the Conservative government came to power, it has not been able to balance its budget without creating a deficit. When it comes to good governance, we have done and seen better. Instead of conducting economic experiments that are bad for the public, the government should adjust its priorities and make decisions based on what Canadians need, especially in terms of health care.
Let us talk about cost. The overall cost associated with anaphylaxis in Canada is estimated to be $15 billion. This includes both health care costs and costs associated with lost productivity. This is another measure that taxpayers have to pay for from their own pockets. Rather than granting useless tax relief to banking institutions and giving subsidies to oil companies, could this government, from time to time, also take care of ordinary citizens who are only asking to pay their fair share and benefit from the services that they are entitled to receive?
It is too bad that the government nurtures a political culture that benefits the corporate world and harms Canadians. The way people who have serious allergies and who are at risk of anaphylactic reaction are treated is, unfortunately, yet another example of this.
Once again, in this specific case, the Conservative government, guided by its ideology that always seeks to boost the profits of large corporations, chose to put the interests of industry above those of the Canadian families affected by this serious health problem.
Let us talk about labelling. Food products containing allergens should be labelled as such without exception; however, unfortunately, the Conservatives decided that this was not necessary.
The same thing happened with sodium, trans-fats and energy drinks. The Conservatives are once again showing us that they are clearly biased toward the business world to the detriment of consumer protection.
The new regulation on labelling that has been in effect since August 2012 was well received by the various stakeholders involved; however, there has been criticism of some of the exceptions. I am convinced that people living under the threat of anaphylactic shock and the parents of children with this condition are under enough stress. They deserve better than to be the victims of the Conservatives' political gifts.
Anaphylaxis Canada and my NDP colleagues spoke out against the exception made for beer companies, which are not required to indicate the presence of allergens in their products, and for producers of deli meats, baked goods and other bulk products. The shortcomings of this regulation mitigate the strength of the motion before us, which therefore does not properly serve its function of protecting Canadians who are at risk.
It is important to remember that the most vulnerable people are young children. We need to help parents at home, staff in schools and daycare providers find ways to reduce exposure to potentially fatal allergens. The most effective measure remains clear, specific identification.
There are other measures that could also be taken. First and foremost, we have a duty to educate people, whether they are at risk or not. Being prepared to act quickly is also crucial. We also need to improve primary care as well as community care and, above all, access to health services.
Anyone with allergies who could suffer anaphylactic shock should always carry an epinephrine autoinjector, which can only be obtained with a doctor's prescription and must be renewed every year. In our deficient medical system, what should be merely a formality can easily become a real nightmare. An autoinjector costs over $100 a year, which many families who do not have access to medical insurance cannot afford without making other sacrifices.
This was confirmed by a Léger Marketing poll conducted in 2012, which revealed that over half of all Canadians who live with anaphylaxis do not always carry an epinephrine autoinjector or have quick access to one.
Furthermore, the survey reveals that a majority of them do not know how to use the device properly. Instead of taxing hospital parking, which is stupid, the Conservative government should instead work on providing Canadians with access to the treatments they really need.
It is obvious that much remains to be done in terms of public education and awareness. The government must stop delegating this responsibility to the industry and must take the lead in implementing a coherent strategy in keeping with the demands of organizations that support the people affected.
A great deal of research is still needed with respect to identifying the pathogenesis, the triggers, and the prevalence of risk factors, as well as managing anaphylaxis. These must be the priorities.
The federal government has a duty to encourage research, especially by the Canadian Institutes for Health Research. However, one of the most discouraging items in the main estimates tabled in the House in March is the envelope for the Canadian Institutes for Health Research, which was reduced by $36 million, including $33 million in grants.
In closing, for all the reasons I mentioned earlier, I will support Motion No. 230. The main reason is that I believe that we can improve the life of people who suffer from anaphylaxis. However, this motion will not be truly effective unless the government puts in place practical measures to deal with this condition.
It is obvious that the next government—and I am convinced it will be an NDP government—will have to address this matter again in order to find real solutions.
View Jim Flaherty Profile
CPC (ON)
View Jim Flaherty Profile
2013-03-21 16:03 [p.15067]
moved:
That this House approve in general the budgetary policy of the government.
He said: Mr. Speaker, I am tabling the budget documents for 2013, including notices of ways and means motions.
The details of the measures are contained in these documents. I am asking that an order of the day be designated for consideration of these motions.
I also wish to announce that the government will introduce legislation to implement the measures in the budget.
View Judy A. Sgro Profile
Lib. (ON)
View Judy A. Sgro Profile
2013-03-20 15:00 [p.14967]
Mr. Speaker, despite more than 30 years of declining crime rates, taxpayers are now spending over $20 billion a year to pay for Conservative crime policies that even U.S. Republicans are calling outdated and ineffective.
Meanwhile, the Conservatives are funding their wasteful agenda by slashing vital programs like the old age pension and cutting services for seniors and the mentally ill.
Why is it that Conservatives continue to find endless pots of money for their prisons, but cannot find money to help seniors and other Canadians who need help?
View Rob Nicholson Profile
CPC (ON)
View Rob Nicholson Profile
2013-03-20 15:00 [p.14967]
Mr. Speaker, I am aware of the lack of Liberal priorities. I think it is fair to say that any money spent on fighting crime in this country would not have the support of the Liberal Party.
That said, they missed the fact that $100 billion is the price of crime, most of which is borne by victims of crime. That is who we stand for and that is who we represent in this Parliament and in Canada.
View Thomas Mulcair Profile
NDP (QC)
View Thomas Mulcair Profile
2013-02-12 14:21 [p.14033]
Mr. Speaker, while they are putting all of their effort into defending corruption and fraud, 1.3 million Canadians are out of work, and 250,000 of them have been for more than six months.
The next federal budget will be tabled shortly. Will the Prime Minister commit to making youth job creation a cornerstone of this budget?
View Stephen Harper Profile
CPC (AB)
Mr. Speaker, job creation is our government's priority. That is why Canada has one of the best job creation records in the western world.
However, I am getting even more confused about what the NDP's position is. He just said that the electoral boundaries matter is the concern of every Canadian. Of course it is. That is precisely why members of Parliament on this side and the public in Saskatchewan have been making their views known on this issue.
View Ralph Goodale Profile
Lib. (SK)
View Ralph Goodale Profile
2013-02-11 14:24 [p.13961]
Mr. Speaker, buried in all of last week's rubble about Duffy and Brazeau, robocalls and push polls, there was some hard reality about the struggling Canadian economy. Consumer debt got worse, 22,000 jobs were lost, trade was down again and housing starts dropped by 19%; all signs of a weakening economy. This is no time for complacency.
To counteract Canada's economic deterioration, will the government present a new budget before the end of February?
View James Moore Profile
CPC (BC)
Mr. Speaker, I am genuinely pleased that the Liberals are so excited for a budget they want Christmas to come early. They can rest assured our budget will be tabled along the regular timelines.
However, while I have a moment, I am pleased to certainly let the member for Wascana and the House know some of the things that have been said very recently about the Canadian economy. Tom Donohue, who is the president of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, said, “The great Canadian miracle is something we should follow [in the United States]”.
Indeed, the Canadian economy has created over 900,000 net new jobs since the worst part of the recession. We have lowered taxes over 140 times for Canadians and our budget will reflect this growing success in the Canadian economy.
View Ralph Goodale Profile
Lib. (SK)
View Ralph Goodale Profile
2013-02-11 14:25 [p.13961]
Mr. Speaker, government boasting is meaningless to those who have lost their jobs or cannot afford a mortgage or a pension or cannot get their kids into higher education. Saying we are not as bad as some others is settling for mediocrity.
Will there be a budget in February? Will it freeze job-killing Conservative EI payroll taxes? Will it make family tax credits available to all Canadians not just the more wealthy? Will it tear down barriers to skills and learning? Will it invest in infrastructure and housing?
Will the budget do these sensible things?
View James Moore Profile
CPC (BC)
Mr. Speaker, I did not say we are better than the others. We are, in fact, the best in the world when it comes to job numbers. The World Economic Forum and the OECD confirm that Canada's job numbers are the best in all the G7. It does not mean, of course, that we can be complacent.
We have put in place our economic action plan. We will be bringing forward responsible measures in budget 2013 and we will keep doing what we promised Canadians we would do should we be entrusted with a majority government, which is to take care of the Canadian economy so that Canadian families can take care of their responsibilities.
View Jean Crowder Profile
NDP (BC)
View Jean Crowder Profile
2013-01-31 10:11 [p.13482]
moved:
That the House, recognizing the broad-based demand for action, call on the government to make the improvement of economic outcomes of First Nations, Inuit and Métis a central focus of Budget 2013, and to commit to action on treaty implementation and full and meaningful consultation on legislation that affects the rights of Aboriginal Canadians, as required by domestic and international law.
She said: Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time with the member for Abitibi—Baie-James—Nunavik—Eeyou.
The reason the NDP has brought the motion forward today is that what we have seen, both from Conservatives and Liberals, is years of broken promises. We are seeing continuing poverty in first nation, Métis and Inuit communities. We are seeing a grassroots movement from coast to coast to coast, like Idle No More, signifying that people on the ground are simply tired of these broken promises. We have seen the Assembly of First Nations put forward an eight-point plan and we have seen a 13-point declaration of commitment that is called, “First Nations: Working Towards Fundamental Change”.
In this context, New Democrats felt it was important for us to bring this matter to the House and to have a fulsome debate about three key elements: that is, economic development, treaties and duty to consult.
I am going to focus on those three elements in my brief 10 minutes.
I want to begin with economic development, and I want to refer to the report of the Auditor General from 2011. In that report, the Auditor General indicated it is clear that living conditions are poorer on first nation reserves than anywhere else in Canada. The Auditor General went on to indicate in the report that the department agreed with that and had developed a community well-being index, based upon a United Nations' measure. In 2010, the department reported that the index showed little or no progress in the well-being of first nation communities between 2001 and 2006. Instead, the average well-being of those communities continued to rank significantly below that of other Canadian communities.
Conditions on too many reserves are poor and have not improved significantly and, of course, the Auditor General went on to criticize government performance and to recommend a number of ways in which the government could move forward. Part of those ways did focus on aspects of economic development. When we are talking about economic development, there are a number of principles that have been outlined in numerous reports and studies that talk about local employment, local ownership and decision-making, reinvestment of profits in communities, local knowledge and skill development, positive environmental impact and increased health and well-being in the community.
It would seem to be to the government's advantage to talk about investing in things like education and infrastructure, to do that duty to consult to make sure the programs were reflecting community needs, but we have seen an ongoing absence of that kind of priority with the current government.
I mentioned there have been numerous studies. I want to touch briefly on the Harvard Project on American Indian Economic Development. Now, this was done in the United States, but this was two decades of research that talked about the key elements that needed to be in place for first nations—in the United States at least—to have fulsome economic development. It indicated a number of matters, but I just want to touch briefly on three of them.
Sovereignty matters. When native nations make their own decisions about what development approaches to take, they consistently outperform external decision-makers on matters as diverse as governmental form, natural resources, economic development, health care and social service provision.
Institutions matter. For development to take hold, assertions of sovereignty must be backed by capable institutions of governance.
Culture matters. Successful economies stand on the shoulders of legitimate, culturally grounded institutions of self-government. Indigenous societies are diverse. Each nation must equip itself with a governing structure, economic system, policies and procedures that fit its own contemporary cultures.
Again, it seems there is a road map for the government to invest in the mechanisms that will support economic development in communities, and we only need to look at the continuing desperate conditions in some communities.
I must point out that there are first nation communities that are very successful. Westbank comes to mind. There are very good examples out there, and there are ways that some of those best practices could be made available to other communities.
I want to touch on treaties. I went to the government's own website on this as a starting point, and it was very interesting to read its “Fact Sheet: Treaties with Aboriginal people in Canada”. It states:
The Government of Canada and the courts understand treaties between the Crown and Aboriginal people to be solemn agreements that set out promises, obligations and benefits for both parties.
Starting in 1701, in what was to eventually become Canada, the British Crown entered into solemn treaties to encourage peaceful relations between First Nations and non-Aboriginal people. Over the next several centuries, treaties were signed to define, among other things, the respective rights of Aboriginal people and governments to use and enjoy lands that Aboriginal people traditionally occupied.
Reading that statement on the government's own website, one would think the government would come to the table with an intent to respect promises that have been made over centuries. When we are talking about treaties in Canada, we have very different situations from coast to coast to coast. We have the numbered treaties, which are old treaties in this country. We have land claims. We have a situation in British Columbia where we have some modern treaties; however, a large part of British Columbia has no treaties in place.
I want to touch on three aspects of these treaties, and I will turn to the land claims coalition. Why should Canadians care about treaties? I think the coalition lays it out very well. It indicates, in part:
Fully implemented modern treaties benefit all Canadians. They clarify the terms of the ongoing relationship between Aboriginal peoples and the Crown, and of the Crown's occupation and use in conjunction with Aboriginal peoples of their traditional lands and resources. In other words, modern treaties define how resources on traditional lands can be used and co-managed to the great benefit of all Canadians.
For Aboriginal signatories, modern treaties offer new opportunities for self-reliance, political and economic development, as well as cultural and social well-being. They are the basis for building a new and positive relationship between Aboriginal peoples and the wider Canadian society.
Having read the government's website about fulfillment of promises, one would think the land claims coalition would be celebrating the success of these land claims agreements. Instead, what has happened is that the agreements are signed and then the government walks away from the spirit and intent of those agreements. The land claims coalition has had to come together to hold the government's feet to the fire. It has raised a number of implementation issues, and because I only have 10 minutes I cannot go over all of them.
However, there are a couple of key points. It says there have been numerous reports that have reaffirmed the intent of the land claims agreements and treaties, and that these reports “...have confirmed that the Government of Canada is fulfilling neither its obligations in full under these agreements nor their spirit and intent. Consequently modern treaties are failing to achieve their overall fundamental developmental objectives”. Instead, we are seeing that some of the nations have been forced into courts to try to get the government to uphold its promises.
Turning to Nunavut, it is in the courts as we speak, to try to get the government to live up to the self-government and land claims agreement.
I will touch briefly on numbered treaties. There was the proclamation back in 1763, and then we had numbered treaties signed between 1870 and 1921. On a site called Our Legacy, the section entitled “Treaties: Negotiations and Rights” outlines the continued problems with how the numbered treaties are not being respected. It says, in part, that “the government of Canada questions the original Spirit and Intent of Treaty”.
We are starting to see a theme here: land claims, numbered treaties. I will get to B.C. in a minute about the spirit and intent. It continues:
It is a very simple answer. Non-Indigenous People were granted the right to live in Indigenous Peoples' territories so long as they maintained peace and respected the land. In exchange Indigenous Peoples were to receive benefits such as health care and education.
We see the government continuing to quibble about what those treaties meant instead of honouring their spirit and intent and moving the treaties that were signed decades ago into the modern day to honour those commitments.
I will touch briefly on the B.C. treaty process. I come from British Columbia, and I need to talk about this. An article titled “Report on treaty negotiations holds key to progress” says that those treaties are very important in terms of the economic development and stability in British Columbia.
There is resource development happening in British Columbia. Without movement forward on those treaties, we will not have the economic stability that is important for first nations, for Métis, for Inuit in the north, and for the rest of British Columbians and Canadians. I urge all members of this House to support this important motion.
View John Duncan Profile
CPC (BC)
View John Duncan Profile
2013-01-31 10:21 [p.13484]
Mr. Speaker, I compliment the member for Nanaimo—Cowichan for her initiative today. There are many positive things happening across the country. We have added eight new first nations very recently to the first nations land management regime. That means those first nations have chosen freedom from 34 sections of the Indian Act so they have control over their land and resources. Within the last two weeks, I announced the regulations that will now allow the natural gas facility at the Haisla First Nation in Kitimat to proceed, bringing jobs and economic opportunity to northwestern British Columbia and opening up markets for Canada in Asia and other places.
There are many examples, and rather than focusing on an attempt to create a negative picture, I would make that comment.
View Jean Crowder Profile
NDP (BC)
View Jean Crowder Profile
2013-01-31 10:22 [p.13484]
Mr. Speaker, what we have is a fundamental difference on how to move forward. The government has invested in some things; there have been some investments in education, housing and infrastructure. However, it is always top-down. If the government were serious about moving forward, it would work in a spirit of true partnership and consultation to bring first nations, Inuit and Métis up to the standard of living that the rest of Canadians expect.
If it is going so well, why have we had the Tsilhqot'in obtain leave to appeal to the Supreme Court on issues around aboriginal rights and title to the land? This is directly tied to economic development because this is a court case that has been going on for, I believe, two decades, with regard to logging in British Columbia. If it is going so well, why have Frog Lake and Mikisew Cree filed a notice of application for judicial review with the Federal Court in Ottawa with regard to Bill C-38 and Bill C-45? It is because they do not feel the government consulted appropriately around developing environmental policies, their implementation, and their impact on first nations communities.
Therefore, there is a fundamental difference about how to proceed here.
View Kevin Lamoureux Profile
Lib. (MB)
View Kevin Lamoureux Profile
2013-01-31 10:24 [p.13484]
Mr. Speaker, at this point I think it is important to recognize former Prime Minister Paul Martin and the Liberal government's efforts in putting together what was likely one of the greatest accomplishments within the first nations and aboriginal communities when we came up with the Kelowna accord. It was very comprehensive, dealt with many different issues and brought together many different stakeholders around the table. Many discussions were had, and ultimately an accord was reached. That was an accord that I believe would have made a huge difference in the standards of living for first nations from coast to coast to coast. Unfortunately, at the end of the day the Kelowna accord was not implemented because the New Democrats voted with the Conservatives to defeat Prime Minister Paul Martin in the then Liberal government.
My specific question to the member is, will the NDP clearly indicate that it supported the Kelowna accord and that it would like to see it brought back to the House of Commons?
View Jean Crowder Profile
NDP (BC)
View Jean Crowder Profile
2013-01-31 10:25 [p.13484]
Mr. Speaker, I need to remind the member that the Canadian people threw the Liberals out, not the New Democrats.
When it comes to the Kelowna accord, those investments, of course, are extremely important, and we did support the Kelowna accord. However, I need to point out to the member that it also did not deal with some fundamental aspects of relationships. It did not talk about treaties. It did not talk about land claims. It did not talk about the duty to consult. It was a good first step, but we need to move much further in terms of recognizing the nation-to-nation status within Canada, and recognizing that duty to consult and that full partnership at the table. Then, perhaps, we will be able to move forward.
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