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Results: 1 - 15 of 693
View Peter Van Loan Profile
CPC (ON)
View Peter Van Loan Profile
2013-02-05 15:04 [p.13707]
Mr. Speaker, there have been consultations among all parties, and I believe you will find the unanimous consent of the House for the following motion:
That, notwithstanding any Standing Order or usual practices of the House, during the debate today pursuant to Standing Order 53.1, no quorum calls, requests for unanimous consent or dilatory motions shall be received by the Chair, and any member rising to speak during debate may indicate to the Chair that he or she will be dividing his or her time with another member.
View Andrew Scheer Profile
CPC (SK)
View Andrew Scheer Profile
2013-02-05 15:05 [p.13707]
Does the hon. government House leader have the unanimous consent of the House to propose the motion?
Some hon. members: Agreed.
The Speaker: The House has heard the terms of the motion. Is it the pleasure of the House to adopt the motion?
Some hon. members: Agreed.
View Peter Van Loan Profile
CPC (ON)
View Bob Dechert Profile
CPC (ON)
View Bob Dechert Profile
2013-02-05 20:01 [p.13744]
Mr. Chair, I am pleased to rise to participate in today's take note debate on the situation in Mali.
As members of this House will know, this debate is only one part of our government's commitment to engage parliamentarians in Canada's reaction to the conflict in Mali, following on the footsteps of last week's meeting of the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development.
It is also in addition to previous briefings by senior officials held for members of both the NDP and Liberal Parties following a direct offer from the Minister of Foreign Affairs. It is our hope that we will find consensus on this important matter.
Late last March, a coup was undertaken by junior officers of the Malian armed forces, which brought an end to two decades of democratic government in that country. The junta, led by Captain Sanogo, deposed President Amadou Toumani Toure and took place despite the fact that presidential elections, in which President Toure was not a candidate, were scheduled to take place a month later, on April 29, 2012.
The coup in Mali was a major setback to the country's development plans and damaged its ability to protect an already weak northern Mali. It was a serious blow to that country.
Canada reacted quickly and strongly to condemn the coup and to demand the return of constitutional rule. On March 21, as soon as the first news of the coup was received, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister of State of Foreign Affairs (Americas and Consular Affairs) expressed deep concern about the attacks by members of some elements of the armed forces on the presidential palace. They called on the perpetrators of these attacks to immediately withdraw and to respect democracy. They insisted that differences must be resolved by dialogue and democratic process to restore security and stability for the long term.
Two days later, to underscore Canada's insistence that Mali again find its way back to democratic and representative governance, both the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister of International Cooperation took decisive and strong action to suspend direct bilateral aid transfers.
As one of the poorest countries in the world, Mali's government has had little ability to control the northern part of the country, and in the past decade, terrorist groups have been able to work freely in the region. In January, the main rebel Malian group, the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad, or MNLA, following the return of armed Tuareg rebels from the Libyan army, attacked Malian forces and started to advance from the north.
The MNLA was supported by foreign terrorist troops, such as Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, or AQIM, as well as by the Salafist movement Ansar Dine, comprising both Malian and foreigners. Following these attacks, the Malian army collapsed.
The March 2012 coup that toppled the government led to political disorder, which permitted various groups of Islamists and extremist militants to drive out Malian government forces and capture the northern two-thirds of the country. For the first time in history, terrorist groups were in control of a large geographic area that could have served as a base for destabilizing southern Mali and neighbouring countries in the absence of a constitutional government that could serve as a legitimate interlocutor with the international community.
The occupation of the north worsened the already precarious humanitarian situation in Mali, where approximately 4.23 million people have been affected by the humanitarian crisis. The terrorists imposed a harsh form of Sharia law and destroyed many protected cultural sites in the town of Timbuktu.
The UN Security Council, on December 20, 2012, adopted resolution 2085, which wisely places emphasis on both the political track and the security track to resolve the situation in Mali. To that end, our government has been actively exploring ways to support resolution 2085 and the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States and the African Union in finding a sustainable solution to this crisis.
In response to an invitation from Mali for support in stopping a terrorist advance into the south, France started air strikes in Mali on January 11, 2013. Canada supports the French initiative. We believe that the establishment of a safe haven for terrorist groups in this region is a threat to Mali, to its neighbours and to the broader international community.
At France's direct request, Canada was pleased to extend, after an initial one-week period, a CC-177 Globemaster aircraft until February 15, 2013, for a total of one month, to move French equipment and personnel to Mali's capital of Bamako. It is important to note that this aircraft is only available to France and that this aircraft and Canadian armed forces personnel have not been and will not be part of combat operations.
Throughout this process, we share with our partners and those in the AU and ECOWAS the objective of Mali's return to fully democratic and constitutional rule.
Our government strongly believes that there can be no progress on a political track without security in Mali. There cannot be long-term security in Mali without the political stability brought by a democratic government. We must support the return of a government in Mali whose political legitimacy is achieved through free and fair elections.
On January 17, 2013, Canada's ambassador in Bamako, together with the ambassadors of the U.S., U.K., France, Denmark and Sweden, urged interim President Traore and his government to present a road map to restore democratic governance. We are pleased that 12 days later, the Mali National Assembly unanimously adopted the road map to elections. These polls are to be held at the end of this July.
Last week, at a specially convened African Union meeting to raise funds for the African-led international force in Mali, or AFISMA, which was created under United Nations Security Council Resolution 2085, and for the Malian security forces, the international community pledged $455 million to support international efforts against terrorists and extremists in the Mali and Sahel regions. Canada announced an additional $13 million in humanitarian assistance for Mali. This new funding will be channelled through NGOs and international organizations.
Canada stands ready to help a democratic Mali build a better, brighter future for all Malians, as they hope to maintain their country's territorial integrity. While we are hopeful that the actions being taken by the interim government to restore democratic governance in Mali will result in positive steps for that country, we remain vigilant and want to ensure that words are not only words but are followed up by real action.
Canada will be monitoring the implementation of this road map to confirm that it is implemented in a manner in which civilian authority is reinforced and fully restored in the lead-up to and during the presidential and legislative elections. We need to be clear on where we hope Mali will be one year from now and two years from now. We want a stable and peaceful partner to address the real needs of the Malian people and the security threats that straddle man-made borders.
Canada will work diplomatically and with our allies on how to address the many complex facets of the situation in Mali. We look forward to today's debate.
View Paul Dewar Profile
NDP (ON)
View Paul Dewar Profile
2013-02-05 20:09 [p.13745]
Mr. Chair, there is an analysis I think is important when it comes to the situation in Mali right now. It is that this is a regional situation; it is not just about Mali. I think the parliamentary secretary mentioned that.
There has been some concern on our side in that, unfortunately, the government is actually retreating from Africa, particularly this part of Africa. I note that this year, there will be $377 million in cuts. Disproportionately, 62% of those cuts will come out of Africa. We have shut four embassies in Africa. The countries of focus we had have been reduced by eight.
My colleague said that we supported the road map, which is great. I support that as well. The EU was instrumental in that and supported it. The problem, though, is that we have not put our money on the table when it comes to the road map, separate from the $13 million. We have about $18 million or more for the C-17.
I would ask my colleague if the government intends to financially support the road map, and if so, when and with how much.
View Bob Dechert Profile
CPC (ON)
View Bob Dechert Profile
2013-02-05 20:10 [p.13745]
Mr. Chair, I thank my hon. colleague for his question and his participation in the foreign affairs committee hearings on this very important matter.
As the member would know, in addition to the $13 million of new money for humanitarian assistance directly related to the internally displaced persons in Mali as a result of this crisis, Canada has been one of the largest donors to Mali in the international community for more than 20 years. In fact, Mali is one of Canada's top 20 countries of focus. Since 2007, the Canadian government, through various CIDA projects, has been spending, on average, over $110 million each and every year in Mali.
It is certainly not the case that Canada is abandoning Mali or any other part of Africa. In fact, we are putting in more money than ever, and we are one of the largest donor countries in the world in that region.
View Hélène Laverdière Profile
NDP (QC)
Mr. Chair, I would like to thank my hon. colleague for his speech. I noted with interest his statement that Canada will be willing to support a democratic Mali in the future.
Could my hon. colleague tell us what Canada should do, not only to support a future democratic Mali, but to help that country create a democracy and democratic institutions?
View Bob Dechert Profile
CPC (ON)
View Bob Dechert Profile
2013-02-05 20:12 [p.13746]
Mr. Chair, as the hon. member will know, of the $110 million Canada has been spending each and every year for several years now in Mali, some of that programming was in fact for the building of democratic institutions in Mali.
Mali was, prior to the unfortunate coup in March 2012, one of the most successful democratic countries in Africa. We hope that, after this short crisis, it will return to being that very successful democratic country.
Canada will continue to support Mali, as it has in the past. Of course, the government is always open to suggestions. We are negotiating and speaking frequently with our allies in the region and with the Malian government about how we can best support the return to democracy in Mali.
I will be clear that Canada will hold the current government of Mali to that road map to ensure those democratic reforms actually occur and those free and fair elections take place this July.
View John McKay Profile
Lib. (ON)
View John McKay Profile
2013-02-05 20:13 [p.13746]
Mr. Chair, members have been encouraged by the initial success of the French forces. I am sure the hon. member agrees with me on that point. It is fairly clear that the French wish, as do we, to hand off the military part of the security as soon as possible to African-led initiatives.
It is therefore curious that the government has not participated in the $450 million funding of AFISMA, which is the main African-led security entity, which will be the entity that steps in to deal with the Islamist threat.
My question to the hon. member is fairly simple. Why is it that Canada has not helped with the funding of AFISMA?
View Bob Dechert Profile
CPC (ON)
View Bob Dechert Profile
2013-02-05 20:14 [p.13746]
Mr. Chair, as the hon. member will know, and I think he made it very clear in his question, the key word is that it is African-led. Canada thinks that is important. Most of the international community thinks it is important that, in fact, the solution in Mali is an African-led one.
Canada is contributing more than $18.7 million through the supply of the CC-177 Globemaster III aircraft and the crew involved. We are also addressing the humanitarian needs. Through our CIDA programs, we will continue to fund and work on the development of the democratic institutions in that country.
I should also point out, in terms of humanitarian aid, that Canada has supplied food and nutrition assistance to some 1.3 million people in Mali, as well as to 142,000 refugees in Niger, Mauritania and Burkina Faso. It has supplied lifesaving water and sanitation assistance to more than 49,000 people in that country and the surrounding region, as well as vaccination of more than 58,000 children in that country, who are being displaced because of both the humanitarian and drought crises in the region.
View Stéphane Dion Profile
Lib. (QC)
Mr. Chair, I am worried that the debate has started off on the wrong foot. The hon. member was asked two very specific questions, but he danced around them instead of responding. I will repeat them, and hopefully this time he will answer.
Our colleague from Laurier—Sainte-Marie asked him what the government is willing to do to help the Malian government on its journey toward democracy. The Government of Mali has had its funding cut. It will be very difficult to be effective in Mali if we are not working with the government.
The Government of Canada asked for a road map. That was the right thing to do. Since we are working towards a road map and an election, why not cautiously restore direct relations with the Malian government as much as possible? That was the first question that did not get answered.
Second, the member was asked why we are not involved in the UN initiative to help train African troops to be effective and disciplined so that the locals are treated decently and so that missions are effective. Why is the Canadian government not taking part in this initiative when so many of our allies are? It is easy to say that Africans must take charge, but it is our role to help them take charge. I hope that this time, we will get some answers to these specific questions.
View Bob Dechert Profile
CPC (ON)
View Bob Dechert Profile
2013-02-05 20:17 [p.13746]
Mr. Chair, I guess it is the position of the member's party, the Liberal Party, that Canada would give money directly to a government that is not democratically elected today. This is a government that came about as a result of a military coup. Perhaps that is the Liberals' position. It is not a position that this government would take, and I do not think it is a position that Canadian voters and taxpayers would want us to take.
However, we will be assisting the democratically elected government that will emerge from the free and fair elections in July, we hope. We will continue to support the democratically elected government of Mali in the future through the democratic development programs that we have done in the past.
With respect to the member's question about support for training or putting soldiers on the ground, it is certainly not our government's position that Canadians should be involved directly in any combat mission in harm's way in Mali, but I hope he would know that Canada has participated in training ECOWAS troops in surrounding countries over the last several years, and they have been quite successful. Soldiers from some of those countries are participating in the African-led force that is fighting against the rebels in Mali.
Canada has made a fairly significant contribution there, but if it is the position of the Liberal Party that Canadian soldiers should be involved in combat operations in Mali at the front lines, that is not something this government is going to support or promote.
View Paul Dewar Profile
NDP (ON)
View Paul Dewar Profile
2013-02-05 20:19 [p.13747]
Mr. Chair, I am honoured to take part in this important debate on Canada's role in the conflict in Mali.
This debate helps us provide much-needed oversight of Canada's actions with regard to Mali. From the outset, the government's position on this situation has been inconsistent. Ministers have sent mixed messages. One said there would be military trainers on the ground in Mali, and then another said there would not be.
The Prime Minister announced the contribution of a C-17 aircraft for a week, and then it was a month. The government said it was giving additional aid, and then it said it was not, and then it said it was. This is a government whose foreign policy is guided by drift.
This approach of deny and delay is not good policy, nor is it strong leadership. The government must be clear about both the purpose and the level of our commitment. Canadians deserve to learn about Canadian foreign policy from their own government, not from the Twitter feeds of foreign leaders.
That is why the official opposition New Democrats decided that parliamentary oversight of the Mali mission was urgently needed through debate in the House and study at the foreign affairs committee.
The Government of Canada needs to be honest with Canadians. It is as simple as that.
When we take part in a conflict, when we put our people and resources on the line, we must take every step with our eyes wide open. From the beginning, on this side of the House, we were taking the advice of the United Nations. On October 12, 2012, the UN Security Council, which has the primary responsibility for international peace and security, adopted resolution 2070 on Mali.
The resolution talks about a humanitarian crisis that is rapidly deteriorating.
It talks of widespread and serious human rights abuses against civilians: killing, rape, hostage taking, pillaging, theft, destruction of cultural and religious sites, recruitment of child soldiers, the very worst of crimes.
The situation in Mali poses a threat to international peace and security.
For that reason, New Democrats were steadfast in our support for an international coordinated response to the crisis in Mali. While the Conservatives were dithering, we called on the government to support these international efforts. The role of the international community in Mali is evolving and Canada needs to be engaged and involved.
Most immediately, Canada needs to support the ongoing transfer of command to the African-led AFISMA force. Hundreds of millions of dollars have been raised internationally to help AFISMA. Not a single dollar of it was Canadian.
Canada must also monitor and engage with the growing possibility of a substantial UN peacekeeping force in Mali. Sadly, Canada will not be at the table when the subject comes before the Security Council. The government's alternation between disengagement and divisiveness has weakened Canada's voice on the world stage, but that should not stop us from engaging in peacekeeping and peace-building.
The political situation in Mali is complex and constantly developing. We are encouraged that the interim government agreed to a road map for political renormalization, but long-term peace and development in Mali will require negotiation and peace-building with the groups and individuals holding local power in the rural north.
This is the fourth time the Tuareg minority has rebelled against the central government. Peace cannot be maintained if the minority's grievances are not addressed.
When we take a look at the situation on the ground, it is important that we differentiate between the diverse groups involved.
Tenuous links last year between the main Tuareg rebel group, the MNLA, and the radical Islamic group, the Ansar Dine, have long since dissolved. The two groups do not share ideological or political goals. The Tuareg population has been campaigning for an independent territory in northern Mali ever since Malian independence in 1960. Radical Islamist groups are a more recent phenomenon. For instance, the group known as Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb was first developed in response to the Algerian military's secularization of the country in the 1990s. It is an example of how events in one country can easily spill over into another, just as weapons from Gadhafi's Libya spilled into Mali, enabling the rebellion that sent this country into crisis. Small arms that were unleashed before and during the Libya conflict have played a significant role in fuelling this conflict.
I call upon the Conservatives to stop playing a spoiler role in negotiations for arms trade treaties so that we can prevent future crises.
Despite the MNLA's support for the international intervention and its rejection of terrorism, there are worrying reports of continued vengeance attacks against Tuaregs by Malian soldiers and civilians.
Social reconciliation in Mali will be a long-term challenge. Any action taken in that regard cannot be effective without the development of democracy.
In 2007, the government supported the creation of a new agency tasked with promoting international democratic development. What a great contribution that agency would have made, at this time, in the Middle East and Africa. However, the promise was not kept.
Then the government promised it in 2008. The promise was not kept. Then it promised it in 2009. The promise was not kept. Then the government stopped talking about it.
In the years that followed, Rights and Democracy, the closest thing we had to a democratic development institute, was systematically dismantled and destroyed—an obvious mistake at the time, a historic blunder in retrospect.
While the radical Islamists controlled the northern part of Mali, they committed numerous and egregious human rights abuses, including amputations and killings under Sharia law.
At the same time, we are all concerned by recent allegations by human rights groups of abuses by the Malian army, including summary executions and tortures. These allegations demand investigations.
Canada must be standing against all violations of human rights, and we must build capacity in countries like Mali to end human rights violations committed by armed forces.
In addition to serious abuses, chronic problems persist. The Sahel region is facing a huge food crisis. Half of Mali's population is living on $1.25 a day. The need for humanitarian assistance is urgent.
Some 390,000 people have been displaced from northern Mali.
The UNHCR has reported that displaced people are already beginning to return to some parts of the country previously controlled by the extremists. Swift action is needed to monitor and secure the flow of people and ensure that everyone can return home safely, soon.
However, we cannot confine ourselves just to Mali's borders. Weak governance throughout much of West Africa creates a serious risk that conflict and crises could spill over. A whole of region approach is needed to achieve long-term peace and security and development.
Canada has the experience and the ability to take a leading role in this capacity-building effort. Unfortunately, this is made far more difficult by the government's political and financial withdrawal from the region. By closing our embassy in Niger and by disproportionately cutting development assistance to Africa, the government has weakened Canada's ability to lead.
Canada should be a leader in resolving the current crisis and in helping the Malian people build a better future. We are not doing that yet. We have not come up with what the world expects of us, and we have not come up with what Malians need.
We can do better. We must do better.
View Bob Dechert Profile
CPC (ON)
View Bob Dechert Profile
2013-02-05 20:28 [p.13748]
Mr. Chair, the member is unfortunately factually incorrect about something very important he mentioned both in his speech and in his earlier questions and it is incumbent upon me to correct him. Canada did not close its diplomatic mission in Niger. In fact, it did not have a diplomatic mission there. It had a CIDA office in Niger and the Canadian ambassador to Niger then, as now, is accredited from Bamako, Mali. Perhaps he should look into the history and correct himself on that. That would answer a lot of the questions he was asking himself in his speech.
In addition, the member should know that despite the CIDA office in Niger being closed, Canada continues to have significant diplomatic missions in Bamako, Dakar, Abidjan, Accra, Abuja and Cameroon, all in the area. I do not think it can be fairly said that Canada is reducing its diplomatic representation in the region.
Could my colleague comment on his quote on January 8 on CBC when he said, “We would be very different. This is what the NDP would be doing right now. First of all, we'd be engaged with peacekeeping, peacebuilding and conflict resolution”. That sounds like Canadian troops in the region. Perhaps he could explain that.
View Paul Dewar Profile
NDP (ON)
View Paul Dewar Profile
2013-02-05 20:30 [p.13749]
Mr. Chair, it is interesting that the member mentioned Niger. I did underline the point that we were retreating from Africa in development and diplomatically. We have closed embassies.
I want to enlighten my friend about the fact that the government has retreated from peacebuilding and peacekeeping. Canada is 53rd now in contributions to the UN when it comes to that.
A significant document just came out in January from the UN, which lays out what peacekeeping and peacebuilding is about. I will share that with him later. It is about ensuring that we resolve conflict, that we use resources not just troops and that it goes through the UN. I welcome him to look at that.
The problem the government has is that it cannot deal with the facts. It is basic arithmetic. We will be cutting $377 million from the CIDA budget. That is the government's numbers. This means that disproportionately we will be hurting Africa. What is the government's response when we ask it what it is doing there? It tells us that it has sent our trade minister there and he is in Nigeria trying to negotiate free trade agreements. I am sorry, but when the house is burning, one does not try to get a better mortgage.
The situation at hand has to be dealt with. The government does not understand that we have to be present, that we have to commit resources, that at the last minute we cannot pretend that we are contributing, because that just does not work.
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