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Results: 1 - 15 of 25
Paul Moist
View Paul Moist Profile
Paul Moist
2014-09-29 17:10
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
These remarks flow from our submission to the committee dated August of this year. Budget 2015 is going to be a critical budget for Canadians, including the almost 630,000 members that CUPE is privileged to represent. Our members pay collectively just over $3 billion in income taxes annually. When we discuss the issue internally, they agree quality public services are more important than tax cuts. They want fairer taxes, but few want tax cuts if it means public services will be reduced and their own individual cost will rise.
Trickle-down economic policies, tax cuts, and austerity measures are failing to strengthen growth. Growth from this recession is 30% slower than previous recoveries, which means about a $100 billion smaller economy by 2017, equal to $7,000 less per household. Those at the top have benefited the most, with increases for the top 0.01%, and CEOs far outpacing growth in workers' wages. The IMF, the OECD, the ILO, the World Bank, and even Standard and Poor's now agree that growing inequality is reducing growth and that we need to focus on generating quality jobs, raising wages, and reducing inequality to reignite economic growth. Unfortunately, we're not seeing this happen. Our unemployment rate has barely declined in the last three years. Over 80% of the growth last year in new jobs was in part-time jobs, and a fair chunk was in temporary and contract jobs.
Inequality continues to grow, with top occupations gaining bigger pay increases, while wages for many on the lower end of the scale are much lower, barely keeping up with inflation. A top priority for budget 2015 should be to create more and better quality jobs, and support wage and income growth. Private corporations are failing to do this, despite sitting on over $600 billion in surplus cash. The best way to achieve this is through increased public investment and expanded services.
Instead, we've seen the opposite. Some 20,000 full-time federal jobs have been lost, and apparently there are plans for 9,000 more. We're privileged to represent employees at Radio-Canada. Over 2,000 jobs have been eliminated, and another 1,000, one third of the workforce, are on the table. The government should help increase wages of working Canadians, instead of suppressing them, and should cease to interfere in free collective bargaining and bargaining that you control.
We also advocate for a reintroduction of the federal minimum wage, starting at $14 an hour, restoration of EI benefits with the fiscal dividend, and access and reform of the temporary foreign worker program beyond the needed changes that have been introduced by the minister to date. We should ensure decent retirement income security for all Canadians by improving the CPP and the GIS. We should cancel plans to force Canadians to work longer to qualify for OAS and GIS. We should think of the effect this will have on provinces and Canadians.
Polls show Canadians' top priority is to keep public health care systems strong. The federal government's unilateral changes, according to the Council of the Federation, reduce health care funding by $36 billion by 2024, or over $1,000 per person over the next decade.
We urge the government to negotiate a new 10-year health accord with a minimum annual escalator of 6% funding. We also want to see a national pharmacare plan that could help reduce overall costs by $10 billion annually, discussions on a national community residential and home care program, and expanded funding for community health care centres and clinics.
Budget 2015 should also pave the way for a high quality, public early childhood education and care program with the provinces. This would generate thousands of jobs, and would likely pay for itself in fiscal terms, as Quebec's program has done.
How can we pay for this while ensuring a balanced budget and fiscal sustainability? Tax cuts since 2000 have reduced federal revenues by at least $50 billion. Our August submission outlines a few simple steps that would increase tax fairness, and increase the federal government's revenues by over $33 billion annually.
To close, public investment and spending has a much stronger, stimulative impact on the economy than tax cuts. Combining these measures would provide a strong boost to employment and Canada's economic growth.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
View Rodger Cuzner Profile
Lib. (NS)
Take an issue like the increase in the number of Canadians that are working for minimum wage, which has grown by about 68% since 2006. Are the tools to measure that...? Can you draw some conclusions from that, the increase in that number?
Are the analytical tools out there to evaluate why this has taken place? Why has the growth taken place in those people that are working for minimum wage, or do you see a benefit in maybe trying to develop tools to measure that?
Mostafa Askari
View Mostafa Askari Profile
Mostafa Askari
2014-06-05 9:24
I'm sure it is possible to look at that question as to why the number of people with minimum wage has increased. Typically, when we go through a severe recession and a rise in the unemployment rate, obviously people who are unemployed look for anything they can find. There's a possibility that they grab whatever is available at the time and that could be a minimum wage job.
As we come out of a recession and the economy recovers, and we have better labour market conditions, that may change again. People find the jobs they are qualified for and jobs that pay for the skill levels that they have.
We haven't really done any kind of analysis to that extent, no.
View Yvon Godin Profile
NDP (NB)
Mr. Dubé, you acknowledge that jobs in the call centres in the northern part of New Brunswick were minimum-wage jobs.
Rosemary Joyce
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Rosemary Joyce
2014-05-01 12:17
Every trade agreement that Honduras negotiates with international parties under current conditions tends to make it seem as if those current conditions are acceptable.
I wanted to correct one thing that you said. I didn't say that trade became less important; I said that the profits of trade went increasingly to a small, wealthy elite, as evidenced by the erosion in the standard of living since 2009 and in the increasing measure of inequality.
External trade has been important over the last 30 years in Honduras, but over the last five years it has been captured by a small segment of society. So what Canada and other governments could and need to do is to put pressure on Honduras to create incentives for the implementation of laws that increase the minimum wage, that protect unionization rights, and protect people from exploitation. What we're seeing is quite the opposite.
Tom Smith
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Tom Smith
2014-04-28 16:32
Thank you very much.
Good afternoon, Mr. Chair, and members of the committee. Thank you for the opportunity to speak today.
My name is Tom Smith. I'm the executive director of Fairtrade Canada, and I've worked in the fair trade movement and with co-operative organizations, both in Canada and internationally, for over 20 years.
Fairtrade Canada is the Canadian member of Fairtrade International. Fairtrade is the most widely recognized ethical label in the world. Our vision for fair trade is a world where trade justice and sustainable development principles are developed globally, thereby moving world farmers and workers from a position of vulnerability to security and economic self-sufficiency.
Currently the global fair trade movement is made up of 26 national fair trade organizations, primarily in northern purchasing countries, with more than 1,200 producer organizations worldwide, primarily in southern developing countries. In fact, producer organizations now own 50% of the global fair trade system, through a governance change in 2013, ensuring that workers and farmers are represented at every step of the way.
We just passed the first anniversary of Rana Plaza in Bangladesh, the worst industrial accident in living memory. Over 1,000 people were killed because laws and company codes were openly disregarded. However, all too often such an incident hits the headlines and then fades away. Meanwhile, millions of men, women, and children continue to labour day in and day out in tough and hazardous conditions, earning a subsistence living in order to produce the food we put in our mouths and the clothes we put on our backs.
Standard free-market doctrine is convinced that trade is crucial for economic growth and will create trickle-down effects that will eventually reduce poverty. Fairtrade believes in the first but not in the second. Trade alone is not sufficient. It must be accompanied by measures that promote equality, human rights, and environmental protection.
Finding the right balance between facilitating trade development and compliance is an arduous task that requires continuous improvement and fine tuning. Fairtrade has been doing this for 25 years, and our experience has taught us valuable lessons. In the process we have learned a great deal about how to meet the often conflicting needs of the private sector and disadvantaged producers and workers, and we're still learning.
Growth solves some problems, but inevitably breeds others. Fairtrade has seen farmers take shortcuts with organic certification, turn to bad labour practices to meet deadlines, or cut down forests to increase production. We have also confronted significant human rights abuses. Fair trade producer communities are not immune to the difficulties faced across the developing world, and indeed the developed world. Power dynamics can manifest themselves at every level, from co-operative boardrooms to the lives of individual farmers and workers.
Today I'd like to share with you three key ingredients, which we would encourage the Government of Canada to incorporate in its approach to ensure an end to not just the Rana Plazas, but to the constant grinding poverty and hardship of millions of small producers and workers across the globe.
Let me begin with ingredient one, where fair trade begins, which is best practice in standards and certification. Fair trade standards are set in accordance with the requirements of the ISEAL code of good practice for setting social and environmental standards. This means that standards are set on the basis of consultation with major stakeholders in the fair trade system. Standard setting in fair trade is not a one-time exercise. The realities on the ground, as well as new challenges and changes to external environment, dictate that we constantly review and fine-tune our standards.
While Fairtrade International sets the standards and supports producers to meet them, a separate certification company, which is ISO-65 accredited for fair trade certification, FLOCERT, regularly inspects and certifies producers and traders against the standards. FLOCERT auditors are experts in their field. They are familiar with the local and sector-specific realities that they are facing on site. They know the elements and the fair trade standards that carry the highest risk for non-conformities. As well, auditors receive regular training on identification and response required to mitigate those risks.
The second key ingredient to fair supply chains is fair pricing. At its heart, we get what we pay for. If products and goods are too cheap, there is a cost. Value is still too unevenly spread. Market concentration in food retail is getting worse. Competition is so fierce that there is a real risk of a race to the bottom in key commodities. Fairtrade wants to stop the race to the bottom, whereby suppliers in different countries compete against each other by lowering terms and conditions of work in order to receive business from the north. An example of this would be flower plantations moving from Kenya to Ethiopia, where wages are lower and tax incentives are given to new investors, or clothing brands moving their sourcing from China to Bangladesh after wage levels in China had begun to rise following strikes.
Half the world's hungry are farmers. This is not only a moral outrage but also a critical business risk for the security of supply. It is impossible to achieve sustainability if producers cannot capture an adequate share of value to fund sustainable business practice. Farmers are bearing the brunt of this squeeze. Smallholders are giving up, and plantations are casualizing labour and suppressing sustainable wages. We also see the cost in poor or unfair contracts, in failure to move towards living wages and in the supply chain’s trapping plantation workers or factory workers in a cycle of poverty, or in poorer worker rights. An example would be less freedom of association.
The Fairtrade minimum price is a vital protection for producers; however, it's not enough. Overall, we need to pay more for our goods if we want to see our supply chains delivering an end to poverty and promoting human rights rather than trapping people in poverty and preventing progress on rights. Higher living wages cost money, so do safer factories, so does environmentally sustainable farming, and so does paying the full cost of sustainable production.
Fairtrade has been a trailblazer for a living wage in the rural sector by commissioning the development of a living wage estimation and methodology. So far, we have developed robust living wage estimations for South Africa, Dominican Republic, Malawi, and Kenya. We have formed partnerships in industry and civil society, to help workers move towards a living wage, but we also need governments on our side.
In Europe, the Dutch and German governments organized the living wage conference in Berlin, in November 2013, to a common declaration with industry, unions, and NGOs. We encourage the Canadian government to follow this example.
Ingredient three is empowering farmers and workers, and bottom-up governance. The challenge faced by farmers and workers in developing countries goes beyond the scope of any certification system. Fairtrade International is building expertise in various program areas that can affect farmers and workers across all products, and is developing global strategies to help the most vulnerable.
For example, the last five years have taught us that our standards based on relevant international laws must go beyond producer groups and their members’ simply being able to recite fair trade requirements on child labour. Instead, we see an increasing leading role for producer organizations to become change agents in the fight against unacceptable social practices.
In order to support producers to fulfill this role, Fairtrade has adopted a children-first approach. Fairtrade has conducted rights-based focus groups with approximately 500 children and youth in fair trade organizations and their communities. Working children can teach us about their lives, the impact of their work on themselves and their peers, and the alternatives as they understand them. Of those participating, only five children and youth in these communities saw any prospect of a sustainable livelihood in agriculture—a warning shot across the bow to those who buy and consume commodities produced by their parents.
In conclusion, we encourage the Government of Canada to promote fairness in trade by requiring credible efforts of Canadian companies sourcing from developing countries and an expectation of business to respect human rights, including a living wage for workers. This will send a strong message. This has been embedded in the United Nations guiding principles on business and human rights as the leading international framework for governments and businesses to respect, prevent and, where necessary, remediate adverse impacts on human rights.
Transparency is key. Without transparency, business is simply marking its own homework as far as rights and wages are concerned. Transparency needs to be systematic. This is where credible standards and certification play a leading role. Another step that the Government of Canada could do to is to follow in the footsteps of the EU and lead by example by revisiting the federal government's public procurement standards to choose Fairtrade certified products and other sustainable procurement considerations. Other Canadian institutions are currently doing this with our Fairtrade towns, cities, and campus programs.
Finally, but most importantly, we need to invest in strengthening communities, farmers, and workers themselves. When people have the strength and capacity to speak for themselves and negotiate, conditions and wages improve. Without the space and permission for workers to advocate for their own rights, at the end of the day, regulation can only go so far.
Thank you very much for your attention. I look forward to your questions.
Karen Spring
View Karen Spring Profile
Karen Spring
2014-04-10 11:06
Good morning, everybody.
As was already mentioned, my name is Karen Spring and I'm a representative of the Honduras Solidarity Network, which is a network of over 20 organizations from across the United States. We've been working in Honduras since 2009, and our most recent project in Honduras was organizing a delegation of 170 electoral observers for the November 2013 elections. I've been working in Honduras since 2009, and I've spent the majority of the last five years living there as well.
Today, I'm going to speak a little bit about the human rights context in Honduras, and specifically, the human rights context in its relation to Canada's economic interests in the country and the sectors that may be most impacted by the free trade agreement.
Since 2009, the violence in Honduras has increased pretty dramatically, and coupled with a high impunity rate, this has been very troubling for the human rights situation in the country. Very few crimes are investigated, and even fewer are brought before a judge. The Honduran Supreme Court has estimated that the impunity rate is at about 98%, but depending on who you ask, I've heard the impunity rate can be between 80% and up to 98%.
So, given the high impunity rate, it's really difficult for human rights concerns to be mediated, and there are really serious repercussions for human rights abuses related to Canadian investments in the region as a result of the high impunity rate.
I'm going to speak a little bit about the three major Canadian interests in Honduras.
The first one is textiles. Textiles are a major import from Honduras. The textile industry largely employs Honduran women, and there are Canadian-owned factories in Honduras that are located primarily in export-processing zones. When I speak about the apparel and textile industry, I'm more likely referring to Gildan, which is a Canadian company operating in Honduras.
Many of their factories are located in export-processing zones, and they're actually exempt from paying any taxes to the Honduran government. Within the export-processing zones, sweatshop and textile companies are not required to pay the higher minimum wage. There are two minimum wages in Honduras. So, by law, they're required to pay a lower minimum wage. But often in the case of Gildan's factories in Honduras, wages to workers are not indexed to the minimum wage. Workers are paid by production. What this means is that in order for workers who work in Gildan's factories to make approximately minimum wage, they're required to work four days on, four days off as the work shift. And they're required to conduct 500 dozen of the same operation per day. That would be sewing sleeves on T-shirts 500 dozen times a day in order to make the high production quota that's set by the company. That's in order to make above the minimum wage, which is approximately $192 a month.
So, as I already mentioned, the wages are indexed to production quota, and that requires workers to make a lot of repetitive movements in one work shift. Many women—and I speak about women because I've done my thesis research in women's occupational health concerns in Gildan's factories—are suffering from musculoskeletal disorders as a result of the repetitive movements they're required to make in order to make the production quota.
Gildan has acknowledged this is a problem in their factories, and they have tried to address the problem with an ergonomic program. But even the Fair Labor Association, which went to inspect the factories given the complaints related to the health and safety issues in the factories, have acknowledged that they've failed to incorporate workers' participation in their program, which is often one of the most important aspects of any ergonomic program implemented in any factory setting.
There are currently 30 to 40 Honduran women waiting for medical diagnoses, who indicate that their musculoskeletal disorders are related to their work in the factories. Hundreds more have received medical diagnoses from the Honduran social insurance hospital, indicating that their musculoskeletal disorders were caused by their occupations.
Another major interest of Canada in Honduras is bananas. Obviously, there's a really long history of the banana industry in Honduras, and a long history of land conflicts related to the banana industry in the country.
The two largest banana companies have a lot of land in one of the two most fertile valleys in Honduras and they've contributed to the social conflict related to land problems in Honduras.
I'm going to speak about the most recent serious human rights case related to the banana industry.
The communications director of the federation of banana and agroindustrial unions of Honduras, whose name is José María Martínez, is also a labour journalist who has a national radio program that's called Trade Unionist on Air, which he's had for 19 years, 5 days a week. He's recently been working on a union organizing drive and he makes frequent mention of a Chiquita banana supplier. It's called the Fincas Las Tres Hermanas, which is a banana plantation. Last June he started receiving death threats related to his work. Every time he went on the air and spoke about the Chiquita supplier he received death threats on his phone, and cars were circulating around his house and the radio station after his programs. In January of this year he was still dealing with the intimidation related to his work and so he since had to go into hiding, and he remains in hiding due to fears for his safety and the safety of his family.
Death threats by phone are a quite common scare tactic in Honduras and a lot of people who are speaking out against the banana industry or major economic interests in the country have very little faith in the institutions that are set up, the Honduran institutions that are required to investigate and to take complaints of this kind. Very few investigations are conducted and the fear that Martínez or people like Martínez face is very real, especially given that since 2009, 31 trade unionists have been murdered in Honduras and over 33 journalists as well.
I'm going to talk about the third major Canadian interest in Honduras: tourism.
The Garifuna people on the north coast of Honduras are an Afro-indigenous group and they live in 46 communities along the north coast of Honduras. There is a major Canadian investment in the tourist industry in the northern city called Trujillo. A Canadian man, Randy Jorgensen, has built a cruise ship dock and he's currently constructing gated communities in Trujillo. Where he's constructing his projects, the cruise ship dock as well as his gated communities, he's obtained the land by illegally purchasing the land through the municipality of Trujillo. All the land that he's purchased is inside the land title that's collectively owned by the Garifuna communities. The land title dates back to 1901. The Garifuna, in his purchasing of their land, obviously were never consulted, and this is mandated by Honduran law because Honduras is a signatory to the International Labour Organization's convention number 169, which requires free, prior, and informed consent before projects are started on indigenous territory. The two communities that are most impacted by this tourist investment put forward a legal complaint in 2011 regarding the illegal land purchases conducted by Jorgensen within their community land title, and to this day here has been no response from the Honduran state to mediate these conflicts.
As I mentioned before, land conflicts are quite a prevalent issue related to human rights issues in the country. Very close to Trujillo, where this cruise ship project is being built or is actually already constructed, there is a land conflict in the Aguán Valley where over 130 peasant farmers have been killed since 2009. Human Rights Watch recently put out a report regarding the Aguán Valley indicating that public prosecutors, police, and military officials have failed to carry out proper and thorough investigations of the human rights abuses related to the land conflict. In examining the issues in the Aguán Valley and the murders of the peasant farmers since 2009, many activists and Honduran human rights organizations have concluded that there is a significant political interest or political relation to a lot of killings and the assassinations, disappearances, and torturing of the peasant farmers and the leaders who have been killed since 2009.
In closing, I'd like to talk a little bit about the violence surrounding the elections and the context in which the November 2013 elections occurred.
The 2013 elections occurred in a really difficult human rights context, given the high impunity rate, given the high homicide rate. There was a report put out that looked at the political killings in Honduras a year and a half prior to the November 2013 elections, and it showed that there were 36 killings in total of candidates and pre-candidates who were set to participate in the November elections. There were 24 armed attacks against these candidates.
The list shows that the majority of these killings were against the political opposition party, the Libre party. This list was published by Rights Action, and later, a lot of the cases were actually published by the International Federation of Human Rights, and the federation also indicated it was worried about the targeted assassinations of the political opposition in the lead-up to the elections.
So in general there are a lot of human rights violations that are associated with Canadian economic interests in the region, and there's really no way of mediating these issues, given the high impunity rate.
I think I will end there and leave the rest of the time for questions.
View Rodger Cuzner Profile
Lib. (NS)
You made sure we got that qualifier at the end of your comments.
On the employment rate, Mr. Stanford, you say that's the key part. The decline in the labour force participation is key. With EI rates going down, we're seeing, I think, even more people not being eligible to receive EI benefits.
I asked the last panel this, and perhaps I can get your comments on it. We're seeing 72% more Canadians working for minimum wage, so they're almost living in poverty. With two million unemployed, is there a measurement out there of those who are underemployed? Is there a measurement out there of those working so close to the line as to being close to living in poverty?
Garth Whyte
View Garth Whyte Profile
Garth Whyte
2013-11-21 13:26
We have a lot of minimum wage workers who are making more than their employers.
View Glenn Thibeault Profile
Ind. (ON)
View Glenn Thibeault Profile
2013-11-21 13:58
Yes, exactly. Thank you.
You mentioned that some of your restaurant owners make less than minimum wage employees. This is a great way of addressing that issue. Before Jack Layton passed away, we held an event in his riding with a restaurateur who put on the bottom of his menu “please pay with cash or debit”, which is breaking the contract because you can't promote one form of payment over another. That individual saved $18,000. He bought a new stove with that, which allowed him to put more product on the table, which meant he had to hire two more people. At the end of the day, those spinoffs had him moving to a larger location.
Garth Whyte
View Garth Whyte Profile
Garth Whyte
2013-11-21 13:59
If I can clarify, the minimum wage staff I'm talking about are making incredible money in tips.
View Peggy Nash Profile
NDP (ON)
Well, it would be hard for me to explain to my constituents that the money is sitting there when they can't afford to pay their bills, that it's not being spent by the federal government. Clearly, we need to get action on that.
I only have one minute left, and I'm sorry I have other questions too, but I'd just like to stay with this. On the issue of temporary foreign workers and employment insurance, I see 19% of the foreign workers are going to Toronto. We already have relatively high unemployment in Toronto. I note that fewer than 40% of unemployed workers can get employment insurance. This seems like a crazy situation. What do we do in Toronto to get good quality jobs?
I'd like to get to the tourism piece as well because I think that's part of it, but what's your solution here?
David Hulchanski
View David Hulchanski Profile
David Hulchanski
2013-11-19 11:32
For good quality jobs, we have to lift up the bottom wage. It's been the growth of the service sector over these 20, 30 years.... Canadians can afford to pay a bit more for the average goods they buy. Strengthening our labour laws and lifting that bottom up little by little will make a really big difference.
Nicole Fortin
View Nicole Fortin Profile
Nicole Fortin
2013-04-30 9:26
I'm glad to be here.
Today I will provide some highlights on a recent paper on Canadian wage inequality in Canada.
As others have said, it's important to note that the changes in income inequality in Canada have been different from changes in the United States, where the changes were larger, happened earlier, and resulted in greater gains at the top than in Canada.
Second, as already mentioned, the Canadian fiscal regime does somewhat lessen the blow of increasing inequality. In 2009, the inequality in the after-tax and transfer of family income was 28% lower than the before and after-tax transfer of family income inequality. Nevertheless, given the tension between redistribution and economic growth, it's important to consider the economic forces that are behind the changes and whether they can be addressed directly.
To understand how these forces work, we have to note that in the 2000s especially, the Canadian experience with wage inequality has been one of wage polarization. When we're talking about wage polarization, we're talking about situations where the wage of the median worker—and here I am talking mostly of the median male worker—is not improving as much as those at the bottom or at the top. In the 2000s, the real—meaning after inflation—hourly wages of the median male have increased by 5%, while the wages of the men at the top 90% have increased by 12% and those at the bottom by 9%.
That being said, in terms of the Canadian post-recession experience, from 2009 to 2012 we have seen decreasing wage inequality. This is in contrast with the U.S., where wage inequality has continued to increase.
So what are the driving forces behind the difficulties of the middle workers? They are usually attributed to two forces: declining unionization rates and technological change. In Canada, the decline in union coverage of males has been quite substantial; it dropped from 47% in 1980 to 25% in 2012. The reason that declining unionization rates do contribute to the polarization of male earnings is that the union premium is highest in the lower wage distribution of males.
Technological change is also thought to adversely affect mostly the routine, male-dominated jobs that are in the middle of the wage distribution, the wages on the plant floor.
Let's note that these forces apply less to women because they are more likely to work in the wider public sector, including the health and education sectors. So women fare generally better against these winds of change than men; however, there remains a gender gap.
In terms of some of the policy options that work with these forces, many of them come under provincial jurisdiction. They would include the support for public education. Most of the time we talk about higher education, but it's also important to have policy to foster high school completion. When we're talking about exclusion, we're usually talking about individuals who have not completed high school. Support for a minimum wage in an appropriate range is among the policy tools to be thought about, as is support for collective bargaining.
As I noted, Canada has performed relatively well in terms of generating new university degrees. However, it is important to note that not all carry the same prospect of high-paying jobs. In a changing environment, information relative to the prospects of the different degrees I think is quite important.
Raising the minimum wage is a tool that can help reduce inequality at the very bottom of the wage distribution. However, because there is limited spillover, it's not a very effective tool overall.
Moving in the direction of a policy environment that is more supportive of unions, especially in terms of the procedure governing union certification, is one option to be considered.
Let me conclude by saying, as many others have done before me, that while growth-oriented economic policies, such as encouraging trade and deepening investment in new technology, may provide the basis for economic success for future generations, these policies may also have the effect of exacerbating inequality. This should be kept in mind to continue to get public support for such policies.
This concludes my remarks.
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