:
There is nobody on Zoom for the first half, but there will be in the second.
I ask that all participants consult the guidelines on the table. These measures are here to prevent audio feedback incidents and to protect the health and safety of both participants and our interpreters. I'd like to remind witnesses and members to please wait until I recognize you by name before speaking, and for those participating—they're not by video conference until the second half—to please raise your mic and raise your hand. Again, all comments should be addressed through the chair.
If you wish to speak, please raise your hand. For members on Zoom, of course, use the “raise hand” function. The clerk and I will manage the speaking order as best we can, and we appreciate your patience and understanding in this regard.
Now I would like to welcome our witnesses. We have Marc Mes, deputy commissioner, Canadian Coast Guard programs, and Andy Smith, deputy commissioner, shipbuilding and materiel.
I'd like to invite the deputy commissioners to make their opening statement.
You have up to five minutes. Thank you again.
:
Good morning, Mr. Chair and committee members. Thank you very much for the invitation. I am Marc Mes, deputy commissioner of Canadian Coast Guard programs, and I'm joined here today by my colleague, Andy Smith, deputy commissioner of shipbuilding and materiel. Of course, the chair has already introduced us.
We really do appreciate the opportunity to speak with you today.
[Translation]
This is a major turning point in the history of the Canadian Coast Guard, or CCG, as we recently joined the defence team and anticipate the proposed expansion of our services in relation to national security.
To help contextualize these priorities, we’d first like to provide a brief overview of our roles within the Canadian Coast Guard.
[English]
As deputy commissioner of Coast Guard programs, I am responsible for delivering the Canadian Coast Guard's operational mandate and ensuring the effectiveness of our programs from coast to coast to coast, as well as in the Great Lakes and the St. Lawrence. I provide oversight for the critical maritime programs and services that Canadians have depended on for over 60 years. These services ensure the safety of mariners on the water, protect the marine environment and enable economic prosperity through the safe and efficient movement of vessels in Canadian waters.
At its core, my role ensures that the Canadian Coast Guard delivers its mandate as an integrated, efficient service. I now invite Deputy Commissioner Smith to speak to his role and responsibilities.
:
Good morning, Mr. Chair. Good morning to the committee members as well.
I appreciate the invitation to join you today.
As deputy commissioner of shipbuilding and materiel, I oversee the complete lifecycle of our assets—from procurement through to disposal. This keeps the Canadian Coast Guard operationally ready to provide the vital services Deputy Commissioner Mes outlined earlier.
[English]
My responsibilities include the acquisition of large and small vessels and helicopters. However, procurement is just one part of our work. I also oversee the maintenance and life-cycle management of the Coast Guard's fleet and shore-based assets, which ensure the continued delivery of Coast Guard services to Canadians.
Ultimately, my goal is to ensure that the Coast Guard has the right equipment in the right condition at the right time, so that our personnel can perform their vital work safely and effectively.
:
As I mentioned earlier, the Canadian Coast Guard stands at an inflection point in its history, especially in relation to how we contribute to Canada's sovereignty and national security.
[Translation]
The Canadian Coast Guard is proud to have recently joined the defence team. While CCG will remain a civilian special operating agency reporting to the Department of National Defence, this transition will facilitate greater collaboration and interoperability with our defence partners, and strengthen synergies in the areas of infrastructure, cyber capabilities, and recruitment and retention of operational personnel.
[English]
As you know, legislation currently before Parliament proposes amendments to the Oceans Act that would formally expand the Coast Guard service to include security activities to support maritime domain awareness, with a particular emphasis on the Arctic. These legislative changes would authorize the Canadian Coast Guard to collect and share information for the purposes of security, which was previously not possible.
We will also be able to conduct security and surveillance patrols, which would include, for example, monitoring suspicious vessels in remote, northern locations and sharing the information collected with intelligence, security and defence partners.
[Translation]
While these represent significant changes, the Canadian Coast Guard is well positioned to meet the opportunities on the horizon and to be a force multiplier by utilizing its extensive suite of 126 vessels, 23 helicopters, sensors, shore-based assets and operational centres to collect critical information about what is taking place in Canada’s maritime domain.
[English]
Our vessels already navigate the waters on all three coasts, as well as the Great Lakes and the St. Lawrence Seaway. We're often called “Canada's ears and eyes on the water”.
The Coast Guard maintains the most substantial Canadian government presence in the Arctic, a region we know is of escalating geopolitical importance. Climate change is fundamentally altering our work environment. We see how warming temperatures are opening new Arctic shipping corridors while simultaneously creating hazardous conditions, extreme weather events and impacts to our marine infrastructure. As receding ice opens new sea routes and attracts international attention, our established Arctic presence allows us to provide enhanced domain awareness in these waters.
The large geographic area of the Arctic poses a unique challenge. Canadian Coast Guard vessels and other assets are integrating the capabilities of increasingly sophisticated digital systems. Our awareness of what's happening on the water is evolving, thanks to tools like RADARSAT, Canada's third generation of Earth observation satellites, and uncrewed aerial surveillance systems that give us eyes where our vessels can't go.
We're also working to remain at the forefront of increasingly digitalized navigational services. For the Canadian Coast Guard, that means implementing e-navigation and other digital services in our marine communications and traffic services, icebreaking and aids to navigation.
Our contributions to maritime domain awareness are also bolstered by our established partnerships with federal organizations like the Canada Border Services Agency, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and the Canadian Armed Forces—partnerships that are strengthened through daily operational co-operation.
We also understand that effective domain awareness requires meaningful engagement and partnerships with indigenous communities. The Coast Guard has established relationships with indigenous communities across Canada. Through initiatives like the indigenous community boat volunteer program and the Canadian Coast Guard Auxiliary, we are not merely consulting with indigenous partners but collaboratively codeveloping services that respect traditional knowledge and address community-identified priorities.
:
This foundation of presence and partnerships is being strengthened by investments that will enhance our capabilities in the coming years. The ongoing commitment to renewing the federal civilian fleet represents a generational and transformational investment in the Canadian Coast Guard.
[English]
Via the national shipbuilding strategy, now in its 15th year, the Canadian Coast Guard fleet renewal will include the acquisition of two polar icebreakers, up to six program icebreakers, up to 16 multi-purpose icebreaking vessels, and two Arctic and offshore patrol ships.
The new polar icebreakers, in particular, represent a significant advancement in our Arctic capabilities. These vessels will enable the Coast Guard to maintain a year-round sovereign presence in the high Arctic, enhancing our ability to contribute to domain awareness.
Deputy Minister Beck and Commissioner Pelletier will be appearing before this committee in a few weeks to address in greater detail the Canadian Coast Guard's transition to the Department of National Defence, as well as the Coast Guard's expanding mandate.
In the meantime, Deputy Mes and I thank you again for the opportunity to speak with you today, and we look forward to answering your questions.
:
Thank you, Mr. Chair. My questions, through you, are for Mr. Mes and Mr. Smith.
Thank you for being here and thank you for your service to Canada. I certainly would like to acknowledge the experience the Coast Guard has, especially operating in the Arctic, where they operate like no other.
Also, thank you for helping us better understand this proposed transition, as you said. However, I would suggest it is now a transition.
Were either of you consulted about the expansion prior to the introduction of Bill and Bill ?
Through you to the deputy commissioners, thank you for being here today. Some couple of weeks ago, as I discussed earlier, I had the honour to be in Cobourg to take part in the opening of the new search and rescue station there. I'll tell you, it's a pretty good-looking facility, and the men and women who work there are very pleased to have that base.
Can you elaborate on how new and upgraded search and rescue stations, such as what I was privileged to see in Cobourg, are vital to local communities to help ensure that crews have adequate facilities and tools to support them in such crucial search and rescue efforts. In particular, in this case on the Great Lakes, in my riding of the Bay of Quinte, we do have an awful lot of.... Lake Ontario is very busy and very dangerous at times.
:
The interoperability with our new family members within National Defence is pretty clear.
Number one, it's about strategic planning—operational planning, now with the navy—to ensure that our waters are safe and secure.
Also, there are improved procurement opportunities with our Canadian Armed Forces, and we can leverage the renewals that we are doing on behalf of the Coast Guard but also on National Defence's behalf. There is technology and innovation in joining the efforts that are done by both organizations.
To the last point, on indigenous engagement, that's a critical piece for the Canadian Coast Guard, and it's a piece that we have really been focusing in on since the start of the oceans protection plan. We are engaging and including them in our response systems. This is an opportunity for both the Coast Guard and National Defence to work together in partnership with first nations, Métis and Inuit communities across the country.
:
That's a really good question, Mr. Chair.
Climate change is having a significant impact on the work we do. If we just look at incident management, as an example, there are wildfires, flooding and hurricanes. The response that we have at the Coast Guard is from a maritime perspective, but we're also able to offer capacities with our expertise in incident management and incident command systems. We also have expertise with our helicopters, including with the Canadian Air Force, and we are bringing this together.
It has changed the work that we do. We see what has happened in some of the incidences where we have vessels of concern or those that we potentially have to respond to because of oil spills on the water. That has changed, and we are now working with first nations indigenous communities, because it is a partnership. It's within their communities on the water, so we have to engage with them. When we send up incident command posts, we bring in first nations as part of the command team, so that they have a say in what happens.
On this October 30, 2025, I would be remiss if I did not start by reflecting on the incredible exercise in democracy that Quebeckers went through 30 years ago. Had it not been for Ottawa's wrongdoing and lack of respect, I would not be in this foreign Parliament, a Parliament whose virtue is to strengthen my convictions on a daily basis. Quebeckers would not be an ever-shrinking minority today, but instead would have spent the last 30 years living in freedom. I take solace in the fact that the next time will be the charm and that it will happen very soon.
Now, thank you for being here. There has been a lot of talk about Bill C‑2, which became Bill . Excluding the more contentious aspects that are not in the new version, which is a debate topic for another day, most of today's discussion has been about border services and less about the Coast Guard. The Coast Guard's mandate is being expanded to include collecting and distributing marine security information. Most people in the union, particularly at the Canada Border Services Agency, said they agreed with that, but were afraid they wouldn't have the necessary staff.
Do you think it's feasible?
:
When it comes to the CBSA and the RCMP, Bill C‑12 highlights the importance of being a partner that knows what's happening on the water and at the border.
[English]
Having an understanding of what happens on the border is an element with which the Coast Guard can help. This is an important element. The RCMP and CBSA have a huge role in keeping our border secure.
There's a role that the Coast Guard can play, particularly in the St. Lawrence and Great Lakes, where we have this shared border. It's an eyes and ears role. For example, our lifeboats, if they're on the water, are now able to use sensors to bring that information to our partners to have a better understanding of what's on the water and provide support.
People are usually not aware of the maritime domain. The land domain borders, whether they are ports, land crossings, or those in between, are the areas of focus. The maritime border is also an area.
Thank you to the witnesses for being here today. We appreciate it.
In previous meetings of this committee, we heard from witnesses who told us, almost unanimously, that the integration of the Canadian Coast Guard into the Department of National Defence was very positive.
I'd like to hear your opinion on that, Mr. Mes. Is this the right time? Do you find it positive?
Mr. Smith, you talked about the national shipbuilding strategy. If we look at the investments that are going to be made over the next 20 years, we see that two Arctic and offshore patrol ships, six program icebreakers, two polar icebreakers, up to 16 multi-purpose icebreakers and up to 61 small vessels will be renewed by 2045.
How do you see these investments in terms of the partnership with the Department of National Defence? How are you going to use them?
:
First, they will enable us to be present in the Arctic for 12 months of the year.
Second, our presence will be real proof of sovereignty.
[English]
It's to be there for 12 months, for a whole year, to be that sovereign presence for the Government of Canada and for Canadians, not only with the Polars but with all our vessels. Those are the key elements.
It's also search and rescue. As the Arctic opens up and we see climate change, there's going to be an increased need to ensure that Canada and the Canadian Coast Guard are able to respond to incidents. Potentially, we see more cruise ships that are interested in the Arctic. That's of concern to us. That's a higher level of risk. We have to be ready for that, and we have to be able to respond.
It's about security, sovereignty and search and rescue, as well as support for our science. That's a key element in understanding science and our waters and supporting our science departments across the government.
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
Through you, I'd like to thank the witnesses for being here.
There seems to be some confusion here. I'm a very visual person, so maybe I'll help map it out for everyone.
Earlier, you mentioned that the reporting structure is that the commissioner reports to the deputy minister of National Defence. That's very clear when I'm looking at the organization chart of National Defence: There's the chief of the defence staff and there's the deputy minister of National Defence. The Coast Guard is not falling under the chief of the defence staff.
It's very clear to me that the Coast Guard is a civilian operation that augments Canada's capability with respect to maritime awareness and is an augmentation of what we can offer as well in NORAD. Is that correct?
I see it is. Thank you.
You provided us with a little briefing document, and I want to read out something in it, because I don't think Canadians realize just how incredible the Canadian Coast Guard is.
We talked earlier about punching above our weight. Your briefing document says this:
On an average day, the Canadian Coast Guard monitors 4,498 vessel movements, coordinates 18 search and rescue responses, assists 47 people, and saves 13 lives—
We're talking about an average day. It goes on:
—carries out 11 fisheries patrols and 11 scientific surveys with partners, surveys 3.5 km of navigational waters, and receives 6 pollution event calls
Again, this is on an average day.
This work will continue. This work is not changing. What we're doing now, through those sensors, is adding domain awareness capability in the Arctic and in our three oceans. Is that an accurate assessment of the new integration into the Department of National Defence?
:
Pursuant to the motions adopted on September 16 and September 23, the committee is meeting to continue its study on the modernization of NORAD.
I'd like to welcome our witnesses. We have Andrea Charron, director, centre for defence and security studies, University of Manitoba; and Peter Bates.
I appreciate you both for being here.
Andrea, you're on Zoom. With the buttons in your system, use the hand function and the mic with regard to language interpretation.
Mr. Bates, if you would, please consult the card to make sure that we provide for proper feedback and so that incidents don't occur. There's language translation there as well.
I will now invite Andrea Charron to make her opening statement.
You have up to five minutes.
:
Thank you, Mr. Chair, for the invitation.
I want to focus my remarks on the importance of NORAD modernization for NATO and allies, the need for integrated air and missile defence, and a dedicated, named operation for the defence of Canada.
A defended North America means that allies and NATO are stronger. Given that many of the vital supply chains and defeat capabilities—including NATO Joint Force Command Norfolk—on which allies depend are based in North America. If it is not defended, then allies can be held at risk.
The functional logic that led to the establishment of NORAD in 1958 still stands. NORAD has been the front line of defence for North America ever since. The world is in a new age in terms of the variety, speed and accuracy of air and missile threats that demand integrated air and missile defence. This is the goal of golden dome, NORAD's mission to represent a component of IAMD. However, its integration into a system of systems within a single chain of command vital for IAMD does not exist yet, and, as suggested by James Fergusson, should be the goal for Canada and the United States.
General Guillot, commander of USNORTHCOM and NORAD, envisions three domes that would make up the golden dome for America—a domain awareness dome, of which NORAD is essential; an air dome for aircraft, UAS and cruise missiles, which again includes NORAD; and an ICBM dome.
This means that the United States will not have one exquisite system but several systems that need to be linked initially with off-the-shelf sensing, queuing and defeat systems of which Canada plays an important role, and from which it can benefit with Canadian-based systems. Canada has the option of refusing to be part of golden dome, which would result in the United States deploying over-the-horizon radar and land-based defeat capabilities near the Canada-U.S. border, violating Canadian airspace as necessary, and flying in the face of the logic of a joint approach to the defence of North America.
It also risks the marginalization of NORAD, which is cancellable on 12 months' notice. This would also put more pressure on our ally, Kalaallit Nunaat—Greenland. If Canada is not a participant in the defence of North America, there are other strategic locations to exploit.
The priority for North American allies is domain awareness. This includes sea floor-, land- and space-based systems, and NORAD modernization anticipates many of these systems. However, linking them, protecting them, analyzing the data and ensuring the CAF has the digital backbone and zero trust-compliant links with the United States and allies cannot be underestimated.
NORAD and NATO need to share more information and conduct exercises together to signal to adversaries that there is no seam between North America and Europe to exploit. Greenland is on the edge of this seam but is now part of USNORTHCOM. Canada needs to get to know the Danish Armed Forces better. We need liaison officers. We need to exercise with them, and we need to think of Greenland as integral to North American defence. A Canada-Greenland-Denmark co-operation agreement would further knit NORAD and NATO efforts.
While attention to the northern approaches is important, we cannot forget the western, eastern and southern approaches. The United States is opaque on far too many NORAD-related projects. The Permanent Joint Board on Defense meets too irregularly.
Basics like the fact that there is no named operation for the defence of Canada can be fixed immediately. Every time the quadruple-plus-hatted 1 CAD commander scrambles the jets, he draws from a generic O and M budget. Two of the most basic needs of the military—operations and maintenance—are lumped together, so Peter must steal from Paul for what is the number one priority of Canada, which is its defence.
I have some recommendations for the committee.
First, present a categorical multi-party statement that the defence of Canada is a core national interest and table it in Parliament.
Second, name NORAD operations in Canada and supply a dedicated budget.
Third, ensure that NORAD modernization remains the number one CAF priority and that projects are operational as soon as possible. Prioritize domain awareness projects and resist the urge to add to the CAF agenda.
Fourth, recommend a Canadian NORAD czar to coordinate whole-of-government actions and lobby the U.S. government. The CAF and NORAD cannot fulfill this role.
Finally, ensure that the functional logic that created NORAD guides all discussions.
Thank you.
:
Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee.
Good morning.
My name is Peter Bates and, from 2014 to 2019, I served as the Canadian political adviser to the commander of NORAD, providing strategic insight and policy advice to the command.
Since 1958, NORAD has guarded the skies and approaches to North America. Unfortunately, the NORAD we have today is not the NORAD we need. We are now engaged in a war with Putin's Russia in Ukraine, in Europe and here at home. Russia's leadership have repeatedly declared that they see themselves at war with NATO and that Ukraine is only the beginning. While they often lie, in this case we must take them at their word. Flagrant Russian violations of allied airspace, industrial sabotage, attempted murder in Europe and ongoing efforts to undermine our societies and democracies demonstrate the seriousness of their intent.
Through two world wars and beyond, North America's critical value to our friends and allies has been the ability of Canada and the United States to project combat power, military forces and munitions overseas to Europe and the Asia-Pacific. Our current adversaries, Russia and China, have invested heavily in anti-access and area denial capabilities to prevent us from doing so effectively in the future. Imagine how much more effective those capabilities will be if they can also disrupt and degrade our ability to even dispatch forces, equipment and munitions from North America.
Russia's aerial bombardment of Ukraine already demonstrates the damage that modern conventional weapons can inflict. Ukraine's targeted response against key military, industrial and infrastructure targets within Russia itself illustrates the potential of such a campaign to weaken and disorient an opponent, ostensibly even one more powerful.
NORAD's wartime mission must be to defend those assets key to our ability to project military power to support our allies and to defeat our adversaries overseas. Canadian and U.S. defence strategy has always been that we will fight forward to defend ourselves at home. NORAD must be the shield above North America that permits us to fight and win overseas.
Unfortunately, it is a long time since either Ottawa or Washington regarded NORAD as a genuine warfighting command. For Ottawa, NORAD has become a symbol of our unique partnership with the United States. For Washington, NORAD is a quaint and largely ignored adjunct to United States Northern Command.
Current Canadian plans for NORAD modernization emphasize improved sensors, domain awareness and strengthened command and control. This is vital but not sufficient to meet our continental defence needs. While you cannot defend against threats that you cannot detect, you cannot defend if you cannot defeat at least some, if not all, of these attacks. Today, NORAD is only marginally capable of doing either of these things.
NORAD's last major modernization was the binational North American air defence modernization of the 1980s, responding to a commonly agreed threat from the Soviet Union in an era of partnership and growing economic integration. This is not the situation we face today.
Under the Trump administration, the bilateral partnership we have enjoyed for decades with the United States is over, at least for now. Trump's tariffs and threats demonstrate a personal animus against this country. It is unlikely that the Trump administration would even agree to a mutually beneficial joint NORAD modernization effort. Trump would probably insist on additional payment by Canada to the United States for the protection that NORAD provides. I regard his golden dome missile defence initiative as a similar rent-seeking effort, not a serious, achievable defence program. If NORAD and its modernization attract presidential attention, Trump may even threaten to withdraw from the NORAD agreement completely.
In short, we are already at war. NORAD must be postured and provisioned to defend key national assets critical for the protection and support of Canadian and U.S. forces outside of North America, to support our partners and allies, and to engage in combat with peer adversaries overseas if necessary.
The Trump administration is not a reliable partner for Canada and is fundamentally opposed to the bilateral partnership that NORAD represents. We must continue to work with the United States where it is in our interest and to our benefit, and we must nurture relationships with those in the U.S. who continue to value that partnership, like General Guillot. NORAD remains a valuable forum for that effort.
However, we must be careful that NORAD does not become a focus for Trump's anti-Canadian impulses or rent-seeking initiatives. If the Trump administration were to decide to withdraw from the NORAD agreement, it would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, to restore it with any future U.S. administration of whatever party.
Thank you.
:
I am hoping to make them more aware through appearances like mine, today, before this committee, and I thank you for the invitation.
I think people are becoming aware. I think the government is certainly aware, if you look at the programs the has indicated with regard to CAF modernization and CAF recapitalization. If we look at our allies, the German government, for example, has announced that it intends to have a regular armed force of 260,000 personnel by the 2030s. The French government indicated some time ago that they are preparing for a major war in Europe.
I think, around the world, particularly among our allies, there is the recognition that we are already in conflict. We are already in a war. We are providing incredible materiel support to Ukraine as it fights on our behalf.
:
Digital infrastructure is not the only vulnerability I want to highlight. The other vulnerability that we're facing is that, throughout the Cold War and up until 1991, Canada and the United States had an abundance of military facilities. The United States had half a dozen embarkation points for U.S. military forces to leave the United States. It now has two. The example that comes to mind is this: If the RAF had depended on two major operating bases in the Battle of Britain, the Battle of Britain would have turned out very differently. Today, in Canada, we have two major operating bases for our fighter force. That's it. The ability of the Russian Federation in particular to attack those bases from within its own territory has only increased over the last 20 years.
Yes, the digital infrastructure is one risk. We can address that by multiplexing, by producing alternative command centres, as we have in the NORAD construct. We have the command centre in Colorado. We have the command centre in Winnipeg. We have the command centre in Florida. We have one in Alaska. If one of those command centres is disabled or is out of communication, others can pick up the slack. Similarly, we can.... In fact, in some ways, with digital it's much easier to switch those kinds of capacities. It's something that we need to be aware of, and we need to be very careful in installing this digital infrastructure. We also need to be very careful in looking at our physical infrastructure and the quantity of forces, equipment and munitions that we have to deal with real-world conflict.
:
Well, it is going to be a help, but we have to remember that NORAD has responsibility right now for just one and a half domains: the aerospace warning control and only maritime warning.
That being said, things like the Arctic over-the-horizon radar system are going to be essential, not only for NORAD but also for civilian agencies, to give us a better understanding of what's happening.
What we really want to do is to make sure that we are able to link the systems and also that other government agencies can maximize their operations via the use of this information. That means we really all have to be on the same page. We have to push and pull intelligence and data, and we have to be able to produce a common operating picture. We do that reasonably well in a maritime sense, but we're going to have to get into the habit of making it all domains and everybody instantaneously.
:
NORAD's current shortcomings affect three areas.
[English]
Those are lack of munitions, lack of platforms, lack of infrastructure and aging sensors. A lot of work has been done in NORAD with regard to improving the sensors so that they can actually detect some of the current threats. It's not perfect. There are vulnerabilities.
Many of the munitions that the United States and Canada have purchased over the last 20 years have been in what I call “boutique lots”. If we found ourselves in an aerial campaign similar to what is currently being conducted over Ukraine and Russia, we would run out of munitions very quickly.
As I've said before, the CF-18 may be an excellent platform, and the F-35 could be a great aircraft, but as Stalin noted, “Quantity has a quality all its own.” No matter how good your platform is, the same platform can't be in two or three places at the same time.
:
The U.S. version of all-domain command and control has been taken up by virtually all of our allies, NATO and otherwise, although we use different words. Some refer to “pan-domain” as if that makes it more sovereign and independent.
It reflects the fact that in the current combat situations that we will find ourselves in, air, land, sea, cyber and space will all be intimately entwined. The digital gives us the capacity to combine the information and to advance the control and planning of all of those in all of those domains.
Yes, there is a need for all-domain, pan-domain and joint and combined domain, but it has to be balanced with the individual sovereign needs, sovereign capabilities and legal limits of our various partners.
:
We absolutely need to have sovereign capabilities when it comes to missile defence. I noticed that, in the Department of National Defence's planning for NORAD modernization, it talks about the
[English]
GBAD, or ground-based air defence.
We should lose the previous allergy to ballistic missile defence. It doesn't matter whether it's ballistic, cruise, drone or whatever. We should be dealing with an integrated missile defence system, and we in Canada should possess capabilities of our own, both for our forces abroad—forward and in Latvia—and for defending our critical infrastructure and critical needs here in Canada, and that should include the capability to engage all missile threats.
:
Meanwhile, we are in our “fireproof house”.
When I was at NORAD, I thought one of the most important things I wrote for the commander was after the 2014 invasion of Donetsk and Luhansk. Throughout his career, President Putin has accelerated and escalated, starting, frankly, with the war in Chechnya, the war against Georgia, his invasion of Crimea and his seizure of Donetsk. Inevitably, in his own mind and as he has made clear in statements, he intends to go to war in a full-on conventional conflict with NATO.
If Ukraine is not successful in its defence, and if we foolishly permit some kind of ceasefire that allows Russia to hold on to what it has taken, he will continue his preparation. He has not remanaged the entire Russian economy on a wartime footing solely to conquer Ukraine. His intention is to beat us.
:
That was the question I had when I put my presentation together. One, NORAD requires modernization and refit, and two, how do we do it with the United States, which is the partnership we have today?
I think that many parts of the modernization plan of DND are absolutely appropriate and should go ahead: the munitions, the air-to-air missiles, the domain awareness and the command and control. We should continue those, and we should work, as I suggested in my notes, with those on the American side who, frankly, are in our corner, and I would include the current commander of NORAD and the folks in the headquarters.
A lot of the modernization stuff will never get to the political level until you get to the point where it's $50 billion, and that will, in fact, attract the attention of the secretary of defense and the President of the United States.
There are a lot of things that we can do on our own. There are a lot of improvements we can make: a new fighter aircraft, airborne early warning and control aircraft for Canada, additional tankers for Canada and a ground-based air defence system. These are all things we can do that will contribute to NORAD modernization. The new radars that we've put in place in Canada will contribute to NORAD modernization.
The more we can do on our own, the better off we will be, because we'll then be able to provide those capabilities to our American partners, particularly those who appreciate them.
:
I just want to clarify: I'm not saying that our personnel aren't highly qualified, but new technologies are sometimes coming online faster than the training cycles can catch up with.
I think we have really excellent commanders who understand what has to be done. It's often, though, that the desire of the CAF versus the rest of government that has to make it happen is lagging, so anything we can do to get all of the government and all of the various agencies and federal departments online as quickly as possible, understanding that what they do is also part of our defence and security architecture, is essential.
We don't have an integrated defence strategy like that of the U.K. I'm suggesting that's maybe something we need to do to make sure that every agency understands its role in defending Canada.
Essentially, what my colleague, Jim Fergusson, and I were saying was that we cannot depend on defence by punishment—that the threat of a U.S. nuclear retaliation is going to prevent adversaries from attacking us—and that's why it's essential that we have these new systems, so we can see far out and away from North America and that, as General Guillot says, he has the time to take decisions and it doesn't always have to be a kinetic response.
Because we cannot see the full extent of our Arctic territory, that's why deterrence by denial is so important: It's all about being able to see what the adversary might be thinking about doing, and then calling them out so that we can hold them at risk and say, “Here are the consequences if you continue down this path.”
:
I think it's to raise awareness of the importance of NORAD in the United States. Many people in the United States don't understand what NORAD is. One of the problems is that we don't actually refer to it as a combatant command, so it's completely out of sight and out of mind, yet it is essential to the defence of the United States.
It's also really important to draw to attention the capabilities and the role that Canada plays. My real concern was that when the Chinese balloon came over in 2023, rather than saying, “Look at what NORAD is doing,” the U.S. was saying, “Why is Canada involved?” Likewise, in Canada, we were saying, “Why are U.S. aircraft in Canadian airspace?” This is as per the NORAD agreement. This is the beauty of it.
Clearly, there's a lack of education, and because the Permanent Joint Board on Defense is all but moribund.... We don't have that Prime Minister and president whisperer to help get rid of challenges or irritants before they're widely in the public, and that's what we need right now, a whisperer.
:
Thank you to all of you for participating today.
I have a question with regard to NORAD's system of defence for North America and our Arctic. We also are heavily involved, steadfast, with the Ukrainian war, and $4.5 billion has been provided in support of supplies and the training of 46,000 Ukrainian troops.
More importantly, we're doing quite a bit as Canada to support that Baltic state and that area. My question, then, is on the depletion of resources and assets by Russia in this effort and how that is being affected in the region here in the north. Do we have time? That is what I'm getting at. Do we have sufficient opportunity, given Russia's lack of ability to manage both fronts, let's call it?
I'll put it over to you first, Andrea.
:
I think Russia can manage both fronts very well.
Because they can hold us at risk, they can escalate to de-escalate, and that's always been the plan in the books, that they would lob something into the North American Arctic, where it wouldn't necessarily hit anybody but would certainly make everybody else potentially back off from what's happening in the Baltics and eastern Europe, giving Russia carte blanche to do what they want.
We cannot think about defending North America and Europe separately. We have to be integrated. We have to see that the defence of North America is the defence of Europe and vice versa.
:
I would say that all the western support for Ukraine has been designed to prevent Ukraine from losing, and so far it's been insufficient to assist Ukraine in winning.
The Ukrainian people and the Ukrainian military have done a tremendous job in attriting Russian conventional capabilities.
At the same time, the Russians are recapitalizing those capabilities from their factories, with their people, in order to pursue a wider war. We need to provide Ukraine with the weapons she needs to defeat Russia.
Putin's Russia needs to lose. In every case historically, when the Russians have lost—even, often, when they have won a war—it has led to fundamental political and domestic social change. Sadly, in the past, those changes were not always positive and didn't turn out well, but I remain optimistic. My first foreign posting was in Russia. I like the Russian people, but I cannot stand their government.
Folks, with your permission, I'm going to adjourn this meeting. Before I do, I remind you that Tuesday's meeting, as you know, is not taking place. We will try to make up for that meeting in the coming weeks.
Our next meeting will be on Thursday, November 6.
With your agreement, the meeting is adjourned.