:
I call this meeting to order.
Welcome to meeting number 35 of the Standing Committee on Industry and Technology.
I hope you had a good weekend at home. We begin today by welcoming the last two panels of witnesses assigned to our study.
[English]
We are going to go to the final two hours of panels for the emergency study that we've undertaken in relation to changes to section 232 tariffs.
Colleagues, I've just spoken to the representatives of each party. I'm going to take a couple of minutes to go in camera for committee business at the very end of the meeting to give a bit of an overview about where we're heading in the next couple of weeks. We have this study, our AI study and our EV study all nearing their end and requiring some direction from us to the analysts and to the clerk. That's just a quick note about that.
[Translation]
I can confirm that all audio and video have been tested.
[English]
We have three witnesses who are here with us today. Two are joining us virtually.
From EMC Canada, we are joined by the manager for southwestern Ontario, Jason Bates. From the Ontario Chamber of Commerce, we are joined by Vincent Caron, vice-president of policy. Here in the room, from Preferred CNC Inc., we have Marc Lecours, who is the president.
Witnesses, you will have up to five minutes for your introductory remarks. Once everyone has completed their remarks, we will begin a question and answer period from colleagues belonging to the recognized political parties.
This is Monday. I took that 6 a.m. flight again with Madam Dancho, so we should both be given a bit of grace this morning, in a non-partisan way.
An hon. member: [Inaudible—Editor]
The Chair: I don't want to hear about the red-eye from B.C. That's nothing.
Mr. Bates, I'm going to turn to you and give you the floor for up to five minutes, sir.
:
Thank you, Mr. Chair and the committee, for inviting me to present today
My name is Jason Bates. I am with the Excellence in Manufacturing Consortium. We work with manufacturers right across the country, engaging over 18,000 Canadian manufacturing companies annually, helping them grow and continually improve. I am also the chair of the London Region Manufacturing Council.
This afternoon, I will be detailing the experiences of two manufacturers in southern Ontario, where I'm located. Both companies are great examples of Canadian advanced manufacturing. Both work with steel, metal or copper as major inputs to their finished products, and they have been greatly affected by the tariffs.
The new changes to 232 tariffs present even more of a challenge. These are their words and their experiences, and they offer some suggestions and opinions on what the government will be able to do to assist them.
Example one is Great Lakes Copper in London, Ontario. Great Lakes Copper is the last copper tube mill in Canada. The mill was constructed in the late 1950s, opened in April 1958 and designed to support the Canadian copper tube market. At the high point, there were four mills in Canada. However, the reduction in our market due to the conversion to PEX plumbing pipe has resulted in the closing of all other mills.
Since the early 2000s, we have also seen an influx of cheaply priced copper tube being imported into the Canadian market. This has forced us to expand into the U.S. market. Prior to the implementation of the 232 tariffs on copper, approximately 50% of our shipments went to the U.S.
The original 232 language resulted in a 50% tariff on the copper content of our product. In many cases, the copper content represents over 80% of the selling price of our product. Therefore, we were immediately uncompetitive on this type of product. We lost one channel of our sales immediately, representing approximately 12% of our total sales.
From August through April, we maintained some higher-margin business, although sacrificing profitability. In some cases, we also make products that are difficult for U.S. mills to produce, and these customers have largely stayed with us, despite the tariffs.
The change in the language to the 232 tariffs in April 2026 now results in a 50% tariff on the total invoice price of our product. This change results in our higher-margin business no longer being profitable, and this business will move to the U.S.
Despite these challenging conditions, Great Lakes Copper are committed to manufacturing in London, Ontario, and ready to invest $65 million in improvements in their facility. These improvements would improve their manufacturing efficiency on existing product and open capability on some additional Canadian product that they are currently unable to produce.
They have met with several officials from both provincial and federal governments and have consistently asked for the following. Utilize section 53 of the Customs Act to impose tariff rates or tariff rate quotas similar to those in place for steel imports. Initiate government procurement preferences for Canadian copper tube. Provide funding to support 15% of their eligible capital expenditure to modernize their production facility and support their global competitiveness for years to come. The total project cost is $65 million.
The recent expansion of the Ontario-made manufacturing investment tax credit by the Ontario government, to include non-Canadian-controlled private corporations, is appreciated. Additional support from the federal government would also be appreciated.
Example two is Arctic Snowplows in London, Ontario. Here is some brutal reality. Arctic Snowplows sales are down 40% in the U.S. prior to the new 232 change. They will soon be down 90% with the change. The reason they have maintained 10% is parts and a very few highly loyal customers. They pay a $2,450 duty on a $10,000 plow. The only way to reduce this to $1,000 is to use U.S. steel. The problem is that U.S. steel costs more, so perhaps another $500 in costs to save them $1,000 on duty.
The big problem is segregating inventory. They buy a sheet of metal and laser cut 30 parts to build plows not only for the U.S. but for Canada. In short, it simply cannot be done economically unless we switch to all U.S. steel, and that would increase our Canadian costs and their costs in Canada.
At the same time, U.S. plow makers can sell against us in Canada with no penalty. It simply is not fair. In this case, Canada can actually do something. We need a countertariff to level the playing field.
Other ideas to help would be to make SR and ED a bit more flexible. Keep the content in Canada. Use the buying clout of the government to support Canadian companies, not at a huge premium but perhaps 3%, or give Canadian companies the last look at quotes. Municipalities have no money, so having the feds help a bit would really help.
We have to be careful of retaliation by the U.S. If we push the government to buy too much, the U.S. might retaliate. This is why I like adding some to SR and ED, since it would fly below the radar.
I always think of things that are win-win. I do not really like grants to specific businesses and not others. I do not like adding admin burden.
One simple idea that would generate capital for all businesses—banks are clamping down, so businesses need money—would be to allow delayed payment of HST and income tax. The problem with doing only income tax is that companies that are severely hurt will not be profitable, so they have no tax to pay. This is another area that the U.S. would be unlikely to retaliate in.
Thank you, Mr. Chair and committee, for allowing me to present this afternoon.
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
Members of the committee, thank you for the invitation to appear today.
[Translation]
Thank you for the invitation. I will give my presentation in English, but I can answer questions in both official languages.
[English]
My name is Vincent Caron. I am the vice-president of policy at the Ontario Chamber of Commerce. The OCC represents 60,000 businesses of every size, across every sector and every community in Ontario, from small manufacturers to global firms anchoring Canada's most integrated supply chains.
The issue we are discussing today was raised this weekend at our AGM, where business leaders, chambers of commerce and boards of trade travelled from across Ontario with a shared concern: Tariffs and uncertainty are already reshaping investment decisions. We heard it from Jason just a moment ago. If we are not careful, they will also reshape communities. This is why we issued a statement today that includes quotes from 30 chamber leaders from across Ontario. Our voice matters for this study, because impacts on tariffs on metals are not confined to one region or one sector.
The urgency of the issue intensified following the April 2 proclamation changing how section 232 tariffs apply to steel, aluminum, copper and derivative products. For many goods, tariffs now apply to the full value of the finished product. We have heard, and you have heard, that this is having significant impacts on businesses. For Ontario, Desjardins estimates that the effective U.S. tariff rate on exports was around 4% in March. Early estimates suggest that the April proclamation increased Ontario's effective tariff burden by more than 50%, an immediate material hit for our industry experienced over a single month.
This increase is concentrated in fabricated metal products, machinery and advanced manufacturing, precisely the sectors that underpin our competitive industrial base. This builds on a year of tariff impacts, as documented in our Ontario economic report published in February. As a result, only 26% of firms plan to increase investment in the year, reflecting how uncertainty is already freezing capital decisions.
Earlier this year, Ontario's exporters were already pulling back. Contracts were being paused and order books were thinning before the full effects of the April tariff changes. We're now bracing for much harsher consequences for manufacturers and the communities that depend on them.
So what do we do? Ontario businesses are not asking for preferential treatment. They are asking for urgent, practical measures. First, the federal government should deploy immediate enhanced bridge measures for contracts signed before April 6, through tariff remission, reimbursement or equivalent emergency relief, so that viable firms are not forced into a loss position overnight.
Second, businesses need clear guidance on classification, exemptions and documentation under the revised U.S. rules. Today, uncertainty itself is the barrier, particularly for SMEs without in-house customs expertise. Local chambers can help government deliver that guidance to businesses.
Third, Canada should intensify senior-level engagement with the United States to pursue clarifications or exemptions for moulds, dies, tooling and other manufacturing products that are essential to North American competitiveness.
Now, having heard the comments of the administration over the weekend, I will stress that such exemptions should be a negotiated solution, not a shakedown of small businesses, trading the vague promise of relief against relocating to the U.S. This will not help businesses thrive, as evidenced by the 100,000 U.S. manufacturing jobs lost since President Trump took office. In the immediate term, only tariff relief will help.
Finally, this must be treated as a strategic industrial capacity issue. Tooling, fabricated metal and machinery are central to Canada's ability to deliver infrastructure, energy projects and defence procurement. Allowing that capacity to erode now would impose longer-term costs that far exceed short-term relief measures.
In closing, Chair, what is at stake is not simply a tariff line. It's whether we can retain high-value manufacturing in an era of rising uncertainty. We urge the committee to reflect that urgency in its recommendations.
Thank you.
:
Good afternoon, Chair and honourable members.
Thank you for the opportunity and the invitation to be here. My name is Marc Lecours. I'm the owner of Preferred CNC and Michmar Engineering. I was born and raised in Windsor, Ontario. I've spent 42 years in the mould-making industry. I founded both of my companies, which together employ 20 skilled individuals here in our community.
Preferred CNC is a specialized CNC machining company that supports mould-makers locally in Windsor, as well as customers across the border in Michigan. We focus on precision machining for plastic injection moulds, automation, assemblies, fixtures and dies. Our capabilities include five-axis and three-axis machining, CNC turning and metal additive manufacturing.
Michmar Engineering is now in its 20th year. It specializes in plastic, injection-mould design and continues to support a wide range of customers across North America.
Together, our companies have also driven innovation. We developed patented products called the EZ Slider, which replaces traditional slides within moulds, lifters and hydraulic systems with a more cost-effective, efficient solution for mould-makers. It is patented in the United States with additional filings in Canada and China. We are also developing a plastic, injection-moulded toilet, which is designed to replicate traditional porcelain ones. We aim to bring them to market within the next year. This product was designed by Michmar and was built in Windsor at Preferred CNC.
I share this not to promote my business but to demonstrate the level of innovation, the capabilities and the talent that exist in the Windsor mould-making sector.
However, the entire ecosystem is now under serious threat. The U.S. tariffs, ranging from 10% to as high as 50%, are not just challenging. They are potentially crippling to our industry. Windsor mould-makers operate in a deeply integrated cross-border market. These tariffs disrupt long-standing relationships, increase costs and make it extremely difficult for us to remain competitive.
I am nearing the end of my career, so I'm not here for myself. I'm here for the next generation, for our children and for the future of the skilled trades in Canada. Over the past five years, our industry has endured significant challenges.
First, COVID-19 created unprecedented uncertainties. While we were fortunate enough to be deemed essential, many shops struggled. I'm proud to say that we contributed by producing moulds for PPE in record time, completing in two weeks what would normally take eight weeks. Much of that production supported needs in the United States, demonstrating how interconnected and mutually supportive our industries truly are.
Second, uncertainties around the electric vehicle program have caused projects to stop, start and stall without clear direction, leaving many shops exposed.
Third, early tariffs on steel and aluminum forced us to adapt quickly, often sourcing more expensive materials in order to stay compliant. Now, with additional tariffs reaching up to 50%, we're facing a breaking point. These measures will lead to more shop closures, job losses and the erosion of a highly specialized industry that cannot easily be rebuilt once it's gone. My shop will not survive these tariffs.
Windsor is globally recognized for its mould-making expertise. If we lose that position, we will not get it back.
My message today is simple: We need immediate action. We must engage with the United States now, urgently and decisively, to reach a fair and responsible agreement that supports both countries. Our industries are strong when we work together, not against each other. If we wait, it might be too late.
Thank you for the opportunity to speak today. I'm truly grateful.
As a representative from Hamilton, I represent Hamilton West, Ancaster and Dundas. Hamilton has been the industrial centre of Canada for the past century. I have family members who have worked at Dofasco, Westinghouse and Stelco. I'm very familiar with that industrial manufacturing component and how important it is to a municipality.
In particular, Hamilton is one of the most tariff-impacted municipalities in all of Canada. There's no question that there is a direct impact on the businesses, but it's also on the families and workers, because of the amount of uncertainty there is. It's impacting their daily lives on a regular basis.
Going back to the start of this conversation, the United States government unilaterally initiated a trade war against Canada, and its goal is to destroy the Canadian economy and take businesses back to the United States. When I'm talking to business leaders in Hamilton, industry executives or union representatives, families, our local chambers of commerce, and manufacturing and industry organizations, obviously we all want a resolution to this, but we recognize that we are only one side in this conflict, and what I've heard very consistently is that Canada cannot accept a bad deal.
Mr. Caron, I think you stated it really clearly. We cannot accept a shakedown of small businesses. Again, what I've heard is that capitulation to or acceptance of bad terms for Canada is actually worse than continuing to fight and continuing to negotiate, even with a hostile U.S. administration.
Mr. Caron, I'll give you the opportunity to expand on that and on what you're hearing from your members as well.
:
Colleagues, bear with me for a moment here as I explain the current state of affairs, and then we'll get going.
Madam Dancho, as you heard a few moments ago, put forward a motion. What we have done in the past when a motion has been presented by a member while there are still witnesses left to be heard from in our regularly scheduled meeting is that we have agreed, on camera, to press pause on dealing with the substance of that motion in order to allow the witnesses to be heard.
We have called a set of emergency meetings, and this is the third of three, with 60 minutes remaining and four witnesses with us to provide testimony.
The agreement that has been reached is that we are going to proceed as normal for the next roughly 45 minutes; that's five minutes for our witnesses' introductory remarks followed by the line of questioning, which will consist of six minutes for each party in the first round and then five minutes to the Conservatives, five to the Liberals and two and a half to the Bloc in the second round. We're going to cut off the final ten minutes.
As soon as that is done, to honour the spirit of what we have agreed to do to allow us to hear from our witnesses, we will go to the motion.
Does everybody understand?
Some hon. members: Yes.
The Chair: In summary, we're pressing pause so that we can hear from our witnesses, and then we'll resume.
From Aalbers Tool and Mold Inc., we have the president of the company, Aaron Aalbers, joining us virtually.
Thanks very much for making yourself available, sir.
From the Automotive Parts Manufacturers' Association, we're joined by Flavio Volpe, president.
[Translation]
We welcome Mathieu Lavigne, vice-president of the Fédération des chambres de commerce du Québec.
[English]
We also have Hubert Rioux, who is the economic director.
We will hear introductory remarks. I can confirm that tests have been done for everyone who's joining us.
[Translation]
Mr. Lavigne, you have five minutes.
:
Thank you, Mr. Lavigne.
Thank you everyone for having us.
There are indeed many businesses in Quebec and elsewhere in Canada that are dealing with major commercial upheaval as a result of both the U.S. tariffs imposed under section 232 and the fundamental change in the way those tariffs are applied.
The decision to now apply ad valorem tariffs, or tariffs on the total value of the products rather than on the relative value of the steel, aluminum or copper content, is having extremely serious consequences. This is a technical change with a disproportionate economic impact. In practical terms, the more a product is processed and the higher its added value, the more it is penalized. The result is that secondary or tertiary processing companies, which are the heart of Quebec's manufacturing sector, are over-penalized. Their gross margins, which are already slim in many cases, are being almost entirely or entirely wiped out by the tariffs. In many cases, the U.S. market has become economically inaccessible because our products cannot compete as a result of these tariffs. Businesses whose products were and still are compliant with the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement, or CUSMA, are now subject to applied tariffs of 25% on the total value of their products, which is simply unsustainable.
It is important to make that clear to the committee today. What is happening is that the application of ad valorem tariffs under section 232 has now rendered CUSMA inoperative. Businesses that comply with the rules of origin under CUSMA and that structured their supply chain based on the agreement are still subject to unpredictable, punitive tariffs with no effective short-term recourse.
All of this undermines the very credibility of the North American trade framework, discourages investment in Canada and Quebec and accelerates decisions to relocate to the United States. In most cases, this is not a strategic choice, but one that is simply necessarily to ensure the company's survival.
For us, the most critical short-term challenge is liquidity. What is more, Canada's retaliatory tariffs, combined with the administrative burden and long delays associated with the remission process, are forcing companies to front the cost of the tariffs to the detriment of their operations, investment projects and, ultimately, jobs, of course.
We have had many clear reports from our members. Acquisition and expansion projects have been put on hold, contracts have been or will be lost once they are renegotiated, particularly with American clients. As a result, some companies will be choosing to relocate their operations to the United States. In fact, some are already in the process of doing so.
The Fédération des chambres de commerce du Québec is calling for swift, targeted and structural measures to address this situation.
We have several short-term recommendations.
First, as far as possible, the government must avoid imposing new countertariffs on imports of intermediate inputs and semi-finished materials from the United States. If necessary, countertariffs should be limited to finished products that compete with equivalent products already manufactured in Canada.
Second, the government must immediately reinstate and extend horizontal remissions on the countertariffs applicable to steel and aluminum imports from the United States for all manufacturing sectors until the tariffs have been completely lifted.
Third, the government must reverse the burden of proof for the remission process for companies. In our opinion, remissions should be granted up front, and it should then be up to the Canada Border Services Agency to show, through investigations, that an equivalent Canadian capacity exists.
Fourth, the government must better promote the drawback program to manufacturers who export, with an expedited pathway for steel, aluminum and copper processors.
Fifth, the government must immediately relaunch the regional tariff response initiative, which is vital to SMEs in the current context, and it must keep that initiative in place until the current tariffs are lifted.
Finally, we believe it is essential that all revenue generated from Canadian tariffs on American or foreign goods, particularly those from China, be fully reallocated and used to support affected businesses and sectors, rather than being put into the consolidated revenue fund.
These measures are essential in the short term, but they are no substitute for what really matters, and that is quick, tangible progress in the discussions with Washington on the section 232 tariffs. Without that, CUSMA will continue to exist on paper but be violated in spirit and letter, as is currently the case.
We will be happy to answer any questions you may have.
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair and members of this committee. I appreciate the invitation to appear before you today as part of this study.
My name is Aaron Aalbers. I am president of Aalbers Tool and Mold, a tool shop based in Windsor, Ontario. The recommendations I have largely line up with the previous speaker's, so I will instead focus on the more personal story of our struggles and difficulties.
What we do is design and manufacture precision plastic injection moulds that support Canada's advanced manufacturing industries, particularly the automotive sector in the Windsor-Essex region. Our company was originally founded in 1982 and grew from a single employee to our current size of over 135 employees, managing an average of $24 million in sales within a highly competitive market.
In this industry, due to the length of planning done by our customers to arrange for full automotive parts production, as well as our coding and contract negotiations.... Many of these take place over several months to a year or more before we get approval to begin the work. Since our founding, we have never faced the types of challenges these 232 tariffs supply. The suddenly changing values, the lack of clarity on what is impacted versus what is not impacted, and the ambiguity on how to even calculate the duty costs have greatly hindered our ability to accurately quote and compete for work.
After delaying multiple projects last year, we worked closely with our U.S.-based customers to determine the nature and application of the 232 tariffs as they impact their production plans. It was understood that if moulds used U.S.-poured steel, they would be exempt from the duty imposed, and our customers would be able to get high-quality, Canadian-made moulds at an appropriate cost to begin production.
Since the start of this year, many projects have been taken off hold due to this understanding, creating a massive boom in the automotive market after a slow period last year. We invested in expanding and growing the company during this period in order to process these added workloads. Unfortunately, again, we are left having to rework the plans and commitments of multi-million-dollar projects with our customers after the latest changes to the way these tariffs are applied.
As per the April 2 proclamation by the President of the United States, every single contract we have with our U.S.-based customers is now impacted with a 10% duty, regardless of the fact that most of these projects specifically sourced U.S. steel at a higher cost to us. Our current portion of work is impacted. We already received a PO and agreed to pricing. It is over $15 million Canadian, a significant portion of our annual sales.
Our industry was protected and covered under CUSMA, with labour and products being duty-exempt. Now we must work with our customers, who are suddenly made to pay duty on the overall sale value of an item protected by CUSMA. These challenges make long-term planning and cost accounting impossible in a production environment that requires them. If we do not alter or correct these issues, I fear many of these projects will be placed on hold and freeze the growth we have already invested in. Long term, I fear many production facilities will struggle to even operate due to an inability to accurately account for costs in such a tight-margin-driven industry.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I look forward to sharing our experience with the committee and answering any questions you may have.
:
Thanks. You don't know me very well, but I'm going to try to stick to that five-minute limit.
I'm going to be candid, because I think the two presenters got very specific about the business they're in.
Let me break the North American auto sector into four buckets.
In the first bucket, there are the materials that go into vehicles and the materials that also go into the tools that make the parts that go into the vehicles. That's one issue, and it's one set of issues that we have to deal with.
In the second bucket, there's tooling. This includes, specifically, moulds and auto-specific tools. The main competition has been China. It has been for the last 15 years, for lots of reasons. That's the real competition. It has been the canary in the mine for the automotive sector in North America. What the Chinese have been able to do in terms of winning the market share and hollowing out the base in North America is something for the rest of us.
In the third bucket, there are the parts. We use the tools to make the parts, and 75% of a vehicle is made by the parts suppliers.
Finally, you have the final bucket, which is the automotive bucket. This is the only one facing the regular consumer.
The gentlemen on here, and other witnesses you had here before, talked about how the time between quoting a job and delivering a tool has put them on either side of new tariff updates. Tariffs hit after the job is priced, and customers, whether they're parts suppliers or automotive assembly plants, are expecting the mould-makers and toolmakers to absorb that cost. If we lose that capacity, that's the first domino to fall.
In the industry, we had a crisis in 2021 and 2022, when the auto sector let go of the supply of chips that it needed for complex systems. When the industry tried to get those chips back, it figured out that the rest of the world wanted them for all the new electronic consumer goods everybody was buying because they were stuck at home. That affected volumes, the cost of vehicles and the cost of parts, but it also affected leverage for Canadian entities and those centred around Detroit, of which the Canadian auto sector is a part.
The American mould sector is benefiting from this in the short term. In the long term, as this cluster reduces.... The cluster that Aalbers Tool and Mold is part of is one of the world's top five clusters of mould-making expertise and capacity. As that erodes and as customers in the Detroit cluster—of which Ontario and Quebec are a part—lose Canadian options, the Chinese option looks more and more real.
What do we need to do? We don't have the defence opportunities and aerospace opportunities that the Americans have, nor do we have the volume of automotive opportunities that the Americans have. One thing we've been doing with the CTMA, which is the tool and machine makers association in this country, and the mould-makers association is finding a way with new defence spending and new programs to support the automotive and parts sector to require those companies to buy tools locally or reward them for doing so.
If I worked at a tool shop in Windsor, I'd probably be the youngest guy there. These are usually independent businesses that are looking for a succession plan. They usually want to say “the next generation”. All of this makes the valuation of that business lower, or maybe it's unsellable, so they have to stay in longer as they fight forces they have no control over. They're the canary in the coal mine, and I'm very happy to represent, even just in this moment, some of their interests. If they go, it erodes part of the shaky pillars we have under the automotive parts sector in Canada as well.
Thank you.
I appreciate the chance to speak to this motion. This committee, as with other emergency meetings, has done good work. We haven't actually concluded the work of the committee. We had a shortened period of time with our second round of witnesses just now. I think it was the intent, at some point in this meeting, to get to some of the particulars around how we were going to do report writing, because I know the motion that we agreed to on this side, the original motion that struck this emergency set of meetings, was to report to the House. I think it's important that we look to do that work.
This motion seems to come in an odd way at an odd time, given that we were towards the end of doing the work of hearing from witnesses and then getting to the kind of report writing that I believe is necessary to do the work of reporting to the House.
I also argue that the motion here is a very partial, very incomplete and very misdirected approach that I don't think captures the spirit or the content of what we heard in this set of hearings and that we would want to, I think, continue to work through, including written submissions. I'll give some examples.
Even in our hearings today, we heard about the need to diversify to markets beyond the United States. We heard that in all three meetings in the study. I know that we're getting submissions that I think will fill out our understanding of the diversification that we're looking to achieve, diversification that, incidentally, is already starting to happen broadly for Canadian exporters. We know that Canadian exports to Europe are up 31% year over year. We know that foreign direct investment is at an 18-year high, so we know that diversification is a key aspect of this issue.
We heard from most witnesses, even as they were sharing their very frank and very significant challenges with the section 232 tariffs of April 2, that the need for diversification and support for that diversification were something that was requested and something that our government is already working on through the expansion of trade corridors and through the opening up of new trade agreements and new trade opportunities. We don't see that reflected in the motion.
We heard today and from other witnesses the very specific and real desire for other forms of relief, work-sharing arrangements and various forms of subsidy and tariff relief. Again, these are things that this government has been doing with the regional tariff relief initiative and through the RDAs.
We have seen a variety of supports, including through the workforce alliances and a number of supports that our government has proposed. I believe this study was filling out our understanding of the very specific needs.
Mr. Volpe, in his testimony today, referred to the age and profile of some of the mould-makers and manufacturers who are being captured in this April 2 initiative by the administration to the south, which we continue to believe is illegal and unjustified. We have been speaking quite clearly and loudly on that, yet the motion makes no reference to the calls at this committee, including today, for that form of relief.
The motion makes no mention of the defence sector. We've heard in a variety of places that the pivot towards defence investment, something we foreshadowed with our defence industrial strategy study, significantly informed the release through the testimony and through the briefings that happened while our study was taking place. I think it significantly informed the government's defence industrial strategy policy document that came out. We heard multiple times in these three sessions and other sessions, including during our productivity study, that defence opportunities are being created, including by meeting our two per cent NATO commitment that we've already met this year. We are reaching towards five per cent.
We know that there's a lot of excitement in some of the various sectors that were touched by this study and in some of the various witnesses we heard from in the last three sessions—there's an appetite to be a part of that defence diversification. Again, that's not something that happens overnight but something that we know from the testimony and from the other forms of supports that are available is going to be part of the response more broadly to this effort, yet the motion does not touch on this.
I wrote down a quote from Mr. Aalbers earlier today, who said, in response to a question by Mr. Ma or Ms. O'Rourke about tariff relief and support for workers, “I think that would be an assistance.” That is a very important testimony. It's very important that we have relevant, useful responses to this committee, which we can then take to the government.
We also see in this motion a desire to rush into an agreement—I'll just quote it—“that ends these tariffs, restores stability, and protects Canadian jobs and the long-term competitiveness of Canada's industrial base”. The actions we're taking are all about restoring stability and protecting Canadian jobs and the long-term competitiveness of Canada's industrial base. We heard from the testimony today that the impacts of these tariffs are being felt not just in Canada but also in the United States. We heard that these are counterproductive and harming the very U.S. industries the U.S. administration claims to be trying to reshore or repatriate investment towards and protect.
We had some very useful testimony that can and should be part of not only our advocacy, but also the advocacy by American business interests, which we know are unified in their opposition to this. We heard testimony today about the loss of 100,000 manufacturing jobs, yet the motion chooses to bypass all of that and seeks to have us rush into a deal that would not be in our interest.
I know that the motion calls on the to act. The good news is that he has been very engaged, including in the House of Commons, on these issues. He was very engaged just recently in a CBC interview, in which he said the following. I want to read this into the record, because it is from a CBC interview today:
A lot of countries rushed into deals with the U.S. They weren't really worth the paper they were written on.
In my riding, I have heard since March and April 2025 that Canadians made a choice for this government, this party and this because they trusted him to have our best interests in mind and to get the best possible deal for Canada. The Prime Minister is very perceptive when he observes that a lot of countries rushed into deals with the U.S. that “weren't really worth the paper they were written on.” What does he mean by that? It means they embedded—
:
When he says, “A lot of countries rushed into deals with the U.S. They weren't really worth the paper they were written on”, what does he mean? Well, he means a couple of things. He means that those agreements maintained tariffs at a level that was unacceptable, would have been unacceptable, continues to be unacceptable and would certainly be unacceptable to us. Those deals often involve the exacting of a form of tribute in the form of requests for investment in the tens or hundreds of billions of U.S. dollars in exchange for a deal.
The good news is that in Canada, things are going in the other direction. The foreign direct investment into Canada is at an 18-year high. I'm very pleased that the Canada Strong fund, which was just announced today, will attract and allow Canadians to participate even more in that form of investment. When the refers to these other deals not really being worth the paper they're written on, it is a very clear differentiation between the position on this side of the table and the position espoused by some on the other side of the table. I don't think our colleague Monsieur Ste-Marie from the Bloc espouses this position in the same way. To rush into a deal involves baking in the various concessions that the administration is trying to achieve with these tariffs.
I'll also observe about these tariffs that something very interesting was clear throughout today's testimony. Until April 2, there was actually more investment happening. We heard from some of the testimony today that the position those companies were in was actually quite a positive position. They were feeling that form of confidence that comes from.... This is in the context of when the section 232 tariffs were in place. The 232 tariffs were in place, not at the level they have been since April 2, and these businesses were feeling confident. They were making investments.
I know that my colleague from Guelph, when it's her turn to speak, will mention Ms. Hasenfratz from Linamar and the kinds of investments that she refers to. We know that the kinds of investment Mr. Volpe champions on behalf of his sector are ones that continue to be made. We know the auto sector investments, and the SMEs that serve the auto sector—investments in the billions of dollars in the Ford plant in Oakville, the third shift in Stellantis, the NextStar investments in Windsor and the PowerCo investments in St. Thomas. Investment is happening. Investment is happening despite the 232 tariffs that have been levied. It's just the very specific April 2 measure that has tipped these specific firms into unprofitability.
That's something we take very seriously, which is why we agreed to the study and why we got very granular in terms of hearing from the witnesses and trying to get some very specific tactical advice and tactical sense of what was required to come to their support. However, this motion doesn't refer to any of that. This motion does not refer to the investments that have been made, despite the 232 tariffs, at the levels that were pre April 2. A very specific set of decisions on April 2, we know, has had a very damaging impact. The tariffs are now applying to the full value of the good and not just the steel content of the good.
The also said the following in relation to where things are: “There's no value in misrepresenting your position, sugarcoating things unnecessarily, not being clear on where you're going to stand.” I think it's an important piece of counsel for members across the way. This motion appears to invite an invitation to conclude a deal. You know, the 101 on negotiations is something called a BATNA, or best alternative to a negotiated agreement. If you state up front that you must have a deal, you will get a bad deal. That is a demonstration of weakness. On this side, we're actually....
This isn't just a political point. This is a point that can lead to real harm. If the Conservatives continue to campaign on getting a deal at any cost, and if the Conservatives continue to campaign on reviving an auto pact that is three generations of auto policy behind, with no regard to the actual situation that we are in today, then we are at a real risk of the administration identifying that division within Canada and exploiting that towards trying to drive the deal that is most damaging to Canada.
We have had a taste of this in the past. We have not had the member for Bowmanville—Oshawa North sub in to this committee, but I know that in his visit to the U.S. and to the White House, he made some representations about how Canada was dealing with this negotiation, and they were damaging. His public remarks about his White House visit—apparently and unfortunately in the absence of the Conservative international trade critic, with whom I think we could have collaborated in a more collegial way on a common set of objectives—were a damaging intervention.
Now we have this intervention, which calls to “finally” deliver an agreement, not recognizing that the , through his leadership and through his interventions, has actually been doing the key work of protecting a number of sectors. The work to be done by this committee is to hear the real, felt needs of the mould-makers and the associated sectors of chemicals and plastics—and we've also heard from a few automakers and others—and find those tactical supports that government could then use and respond to.
I think this is a real error in judgment. When I saw the wording of this motion, I wondered if we should invite the Conservatives to amend their own motion to say that the committee is calling on the to capitulate, to say that we'll sign any deal, because when you lead with “we will do a deal” and the details are from an era that is 30 years gone, then you're basically calling for capitulation.
The section 232 tariffs exist under the Trade Expansion Act of 1962, which allows the U.S. secretary of commerce to investigate the effects of imports on national security and gives the president authority to adjust imports via tariffs or quotas if a threat is found. It was rarely used until the Trump administration came along. In fact, the first positive determination came in 1973, for oil imports. It resulted in licensing fees and import quotas, and the U.S. Congress actually moved to limit this power in 1975 to restrict President Gerald Ford's ability to act on petroleum.
The statute was rarely used, particularly after the creation of the World Trade Organization, but this legacy of an older piece of legislation was picked up by the administration in 2017. We know some of the investigations that resulted.
Canada did some very aggressive negotiation at the time, in collaboration with the Canada-U.S. Trade Council. It was great to have Mr. Volpe, who has experience of that trade council as well as the new trade council. Thanks to some very expert work, we were able to limit the damage there.
The Biden administration generally maintained the steel and aluminum tariffs while moving away from the aggressive, broad-based use of the tool, but they did conduct other section 232 investigations, because the free trade consensus that we had in North America—which was already brittle, especially in the United States—was permanently changed by President Trump's first election. Unfortunately, the Biden administration actually showed more continuity than change with the Trump administration on those matters.
We know that section 232 investigations and related investigations continue to target specific critical supply chains, such as semiconductors, pharmaceutical ingredients and critical minerals. We know that Congress has viewed the overuse of section 232 with concern, because it takes away their powers, and in fact we've seen the U.S. Supreme Court move in a related direction on some other emergency economic tariffs that the Trump administration has brought in.
In that context, to invite an agreement at any cost is very damaging to Canada. I think we can do the work, identifying and resonating and empathizing with moving in support, as this government has done, sometimes with and through the advice of committees like this one. We can differentiate between that real work that needs to be done, and capitulation. If we lock in anything like the section 232 tariffs that came after April 2, it is going to be the death knell. We can't lock these in. We can't get anywhere close to locking these in. We have to hold strong. We have to hold strong together as a country.
We have to hold strong as a Parliament to invite a common front on this. The administration is looking for those places of weakness, as we saw with the visit by the member for Bowmanville—Oshawa North to the White House. There was some real damage that resulted.
I'm opposed to this motion for these reasons.
[Translation]
In my opinion, the motion basically tells the administration to the south that we are going to go bankrupt and they will win. Their story is already that they win and we lose, and this motion will reinforce that story in the negotiations.
As we heard in testimony, the witnesses themselves told us that American businesses that trade are also suffering from the tariffs. There is the threat that these industries will leave not only Canada, but also the United States to go to Mexico, China or other countries.
It is up to us to stand together as a country, not only with Canadian industries and businesses, but also with supply chains in the United States. We have to make common cause with them.
For those reasons, we are opposed to the motion. It's not in Canada's interest. We want to follow the leadership of the , who reminded us just today that these kinds of agreements at any cost hurt the countries negotiating them.
We must remain strong and united together.
:
I'll definitely speak to the motion. Thank you. I just wanted to point out that it's disrespectful to misquote another member of this committee.
Mr. Bardeesy spoke at length about why he wouldn't support the motion. He talked about rushing into a decision, rushing into a resolution. I don't understand his point, because I have not seen a rush. Promises were made over a year ago. We were promised a resolution by July 2025. So far, we've had no movement. We've had no improvement. We've had only tariffs that have worsened and put a bigger burden on our companies, put a bigger burden on our economy and put a bigger burden on the ability of Canadian businesses to work and to provide work to their employees.
Businesses have already started closing. This is huge. Why would you talk about not rushing? Why would you not rush when we are at risk, in my community at least, of losing 48,000 jobs and of a total economic impact of 150,000 jobs lost?
I don't want to misquote Ms. O'Rourke, but I believe you said that Guelph is in a similar situation and that you do understand the impact on the companies in your community. I don't understand why you wouldn't want an immediate resolution to this. This is not something we can wait for. When these companies close, they're never coming back. You've heard testimony in that regard. Why wouldn't you want to act right away, right now, today? Why should you not want to request a meeting with your leader, the ? You guys can request a meeting to let him know how imminently, negatively impactful this will be and how bad the situation is.
I talked about the numbers in my community. What are the numbers all across Canada? Do you know that if these companies fail, it's going to have a huge impact on our whole manufacturing sector in Canada? It's going to trip them up too. These companies make the tools that let manufacturers build and do their work, and they're closing and moving to the United States. They're being asked to think about pivoting. I mean, this is a huge problem. Do we want to rush? Yes. Is this a rush when we've been sitting on it for almost a year? We've been told since April of last year that there would be a resolution of this tariff problem by July 2025. We've been waiting. We've been praying. We've been hoping, and nothing's come along. It's just gotten worse.
If those negotiations had been held by the date they were promised, this wouldn't be a problem. These section 232 tariff increases would not be a problem today. Thus, is it important to rush? Is there an immediate need for the to address this? Shouldn't the Liberal members of this committee be taking that message to the Prime Minister? Do you think this is not something to worry about and rush? Spending over a year talking about relieving tariffs has not been a rush.
Therefore, I am in favour of and support this motion.
:
I'm going to be relatively brief here, because I really hope we can get to a resolution. Every second, every single minute that goes by that we're talking about this very important motion, by the way, is another second, another minute, another day that our companies hemorrhage and Canadians don't have food on the table. I just want to speak quickly to the need for urgency and how wildly important it is to support not only Essex—Windsor and Guelph but all manufacturing, including our dear friends in Quebec, who are losing very quickly the ability to be even remotely competitive with the United States and are therefore shutting up shop and taking their businesses to either the United States or Mexico, or subbing it out to China, which once again eats our lunch.
It's really ironic, Mr. Chair, that during this meeting a CBC News article came out, entitled “Canada won't be 'chasing a small deal' to get U.S. tariff relief, Carney says.” It goes on to say, “Carney told CBC News: The National that the Canadian side is ready to work on a deal that would see some of those tariffs lifted, but added he's not interested in quickly achieving a 'small deal'.” He said, “We need a good deal in the right time, and what we don't need is chasing a small deal that disadvantages us.” He sounded a lot like President Trump when he went on to say, “We could sit down this afternoon and hammer the whole thing out over the course of 10 days if the U.S. side—which has other things to do, I acknowledge that—had the bandwidth and the inclination to go through it.” He added, “But it takes two to negotiate it through, and they're not all the way there.”
Well, the truth of the matter, Mr. Chair, is that I'm pretty sure the is going to have to be in Washington to negotiate this, or at least to invite President Trump up here. Therefore, those words fall relatively flat, in my opinion.
Mr. Chair, I really do like this committee, by the way. I think we've got a lot done in three meetings, but now it's time to get the study done, to present it in the House and to figure out which backstops we can get for our businesses, so that we don't lose an industry forever and great Canadian paying jobs forever, and that we can remain the leader in autos, the leader in moulds.
Perhaps, if people were really strategic, they would ask questions such as this: Was it perhaps an oversight? Perhaps if we just added the word “mould” to the end of the exception list of the section 232 tariffs, we could get somewhere.
I believe that collectively we need to have level heads, albeit all through the room, and just move this thing forward. I would definitely support the motion.
Thank you, Chair.
Thank you to all the members here. This is an important committee. We all understand the work we're doing here.
Mr. Lewis made some really good points there. We're working on some great studies, with more to come. We'd like to get to the work. We'd like to see reports come out and recommendations be delivered and taken into consideration. That kind of work is really important. It's what we do here.
I appreciate the passion Ms. Borrelli brought to the committee. Fighting for your community is extremely important. It's why we're all here. As a British Columbian, I think I'm the only Pacific member here. I represent the Pacific NorthWest Economic Region. If you look at that specifically, it amounts to one trillion dollars’ worth of GDP. To those member states and member provinces, including Yukon, that's a big deal.
I think one thing that's missing here is that Ms. Borrelli brought the point forward that we do need to rush, but as I think Mr. Lewis answered, we have to understand who we're dealing with and the people on the other side. I had the opportunity to visit Olympia, Washington. I work with the Pacific NorthWest Economic Region, and I visited there. Many of our members here, along with the chair of our committee, went to Washington, D.C. We've made several visits—not just people who are part of specific committees but people at the ministry level and all MPs—because we all care. We all care about what's happening across the border and what that means to us. I have 110 million pounds of seafood off-loaded in my harbour annually. That goes down the I-5 into Washington state. They have issues around....
They need our potash. They need our fertilizer. They need things that are important to their wine sector down there. I come from an aerospace background, so I have a strong understanding of the relationship. Boeing has been in my city for over 100 years now. A cool fact is that the first flight Boeing took was Canada Post, to deliver mail from YVR to the Seattle airport.
The relationship we talk about, and the passion everyone wants to bring forward and use towards negotiating things.... We've tried that. We've done that. Many of us have gone there. I've spoken to members from both sides. We've had senator reports written. We've had not only Republican but also Democratic members come to the table. The congresswoman who chairs the ways and means committee brought forward the motion calling the tariffs illegal. We've seen movement from Republican representatives, who are now speaking up as well.
PNWER is five states, five provinces and the territories. Beyond the PNWER states, you have 36 states that are now actively working toward a motion to be brought forward in their state legislatures whereby they're looking at a CUSMA or USMCA deal that would last 16 years. Everyone's working actively. A lot of people we're hearing from are also probably saying, just like Ms. Borrelli, that we need to get to something and we need to rush. It's not happening—on either side.
There was one statement I heard every meeting. Perhaps the chair and others can attest to this. In every meeting I took in the United States, whether it was in Washington state, in D.C., or in Oregon, we would give them a series of facts on the importance of and the benefits in machinery to the tune of $1 billion annually. They make more money off us.
The Spokane region's representative is Congressman Baumgartner, and I spoke to him. He didn't even know, but when we did inform them of some of this information, and they knew what they were missing out on because there's no deal, they said, it's up to the President. It's up to the President. We can sit here, yell and scream about things, and with valid intent, for sure, but if we talk about rushing into something with someone who's very clearly making decisions one way on one day and in another way on another day.... I think that has been very apparent, and I don't think any of us are missing out on the social media that he himself is involved in.
I think that's a very big missing piece in here. I don't know if you can add a line in your motion here about rushing to a deal that the President of the United States agrees to. I don't know, maybe we can make some type of amendment or something. I think that it's the premise behind it. We all love it. We want to do this. We want to help every family, every Canadian family. In this study specifically, it was extremely important to hear how much impact the mould-making and tool and die.... I come from, as I said, the aerospace industry, which was a great many years ago for sure, but every industry that I've been involved in.... I've built homes, so I understand that. I'm from British Columbia; we understand how important the western red cedar is for us and the softwood lumber deal.
We're hearing things such as that the USMCA deal is most likely pretty good as is, but then we're going to do separate deals on lumber and separate deals on steel. Which one are we going to rush to do? That is my question. I'm not sure that we're getting anywhere with this. I can understand. Look, I typically don't engage in a lot of partisan politics, because there's enough oxygen that gets wasted around here. That's not who I am. I'm a worker. I look at myself as a worker. I do my work, and I try to deliver what I can for my city.
I wanted to talk about this today, because we're all working really, really hard, and we know the families that are impacted across the country. We know that, quite frankly, there's a lot of western alienation. We don't really hear much from B.C., so I thought I'd do my bit today, because it's important. It is. There are a lot of things that are happening, and we have a lot of members on the other side from B.C. We know the industries that matter. We have major projects that are important to us right now that we're looking at delivering. If we can, work towards making sure that we can strengthen the things that we can strengthen and not look at saying, okay, we have to rush into certain things. We heard from an experienced, dedicated member in Mr. Volpe, a dedicated person from the automotive industry for years, who gave us some very direct, real answers on what the reality is on the ground. We heard at the last meeting from members, from other experts and representatives from the respective chambers and what they're hearing on the other side. We have the Gordie Howe Bridge and the controversy we saw around that.
Again, every road, every bridge, leads back to someone who is putting a dead end on the other side. If we look at how we're going to get to a deal, we do have to take into consideration thoughtfulness, or else we are getting just bogged into something that will not be good for the families, Ms. Borrelli, that you're fighting for, or Mr. Lewis, or others—the families we're all fighting for. Recently, even the polls suggest this. It's not just we who are fighting for this.
We heard from Americans. They tend to agree. They don't think the Trump administration is arguing in good faith. They themselves are now saying that. We aren't even saying this here. This motion doesn't say this here.
Polls found that, among Republican voters, 53% say they trust Canada. We must be doing something. The must be doing something that's trustworthy at this point for them to think that way. Thirty-three per cent do not. It's 71% for Democratic voters.
We are now in a situation where many of us come from a wide variety of different sectors. We all are fighting for those things.
I'd like to share some thoughts from recent senators and what they're saying on the other side, if I can find them. I don't want to misquote.
We talk about defence. Look at defence. I really want to share this, because it was such an important piece in some of the conversations I had with Congressman Bentz from Oregon. I talked about Boeing and how we have now procured the Boeing Poseidon aircraft and other military defence procurement that we're engaged in right now. There are over 600 suppliers across this country in defence. They are Canadian suppliers, and 300 come from British Columbia.
I said that, for interoperable capabilities, we are basically being counterproductive. We're spending twice as much on things that don't need to be spent on at a time when both of our nations need to grow together and protect one another against the challenges we are seeing with over 120 different conflicts around the world right now.
Adding to that piece, if we look at everybody from, let's say, the corn growers.... Canada and Mexico are two of the largest markets for American corn growers, and USMCA has been vital in making that happen. We're deeply appreciative of these senators for taking the initiative, sending this letter and highlighting its importance. Everyone wants this.
I'm talking about corn growers. I know Ms. Dancho might not like the corn growers' association or something, but they're saying this.
The spokesperson for the Agricultural Coalition for USMCA said that they are greatly appreciative of their allies in the Senate for supporting the renewal of USMCA, which “is vital to the U.S. economy and an important economic engine for rural America...Renewing the agreement builds on the president's success, and we encourage extension due to the vast benefits to U.S. agriculture.”
They're not getting to it. They want it. The National Corn Growers Association and the Agricultural Coalition want a deal. Everybody's saying, “Let's get to it, let's rush,” but it's up to one person. That's what I heard when I went there. It's up to the President. Let's get to it.
Go back to the Greer report and the Senate finance committee. Ambassador Jamieson Greer did the report and highlighted the grievances they have. When was the last time we heard some of these things that have come forward? Greer wrote, “The question is whether—in recognition of these shortcomings—anything should be done to change them. Stakeholder views are mixed.”
That means.... All of industry wants something to be done—it's just not happening—to tackle these issues: everything from rules of origin to critical minerals to economic security alignment—trilateral approaches between the U.S., Canada and Mexico, negotiating firmly.
This is the most important thing that it says here—the United States said this. In this report, it says, “USTR's view is that, whatever the USMCA’s value to the United States and even North America, the shortcomings are such that a rubberstamp of the Agreement is not in the national interest.”
Are we looking to do a rubber stamp? Are we hoping to just rubber-stamp a deal here? I think that's basically what we're working towards if we look at going back to this motion. I don't feel that it is very pragmatic. It's not something that has a reality attached to it in terms of the real circumstances that are attached to the current situation between these two nations.
I'd like to sort of add a bit more here, if I have time.
The Chair: You have three more minutes.
Parm Bains: I have three more minutes. I think I have one more piece to talk about here.
Again, not enough has been said about the relationship between Washington and British Columbia. Washington exports $2.2 billion in services to Canada. If we're talking about just in travel, travel alone is $482 million. Telecom is $441 million. Charges for the use of intellectual property are $436 million. This is good business, great business, between the two nations here. Just in Washington it's $7.9 billion in goods. That's agriculture, chemicals, energy equipment, etc. Who doesn't want this? We've done innovation. There's Harbour Air. I'm sure you have had an opportunity to fly on Harbour Air. The Flying Beaver is a great pub out there, too.