:
Good afternoon. I call this meeting to order.
Welcome to meeting number four of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration.
Today’s meeting is taking place in a hybrid format. Indeed, all of our witnesses are joining us via Zoom today. I will be introducing all of our witnesses more formally in a minute, but on behalf of the committee, I extend a warm welcome to all of you. We really appreciate your taking and making the time today.
I'm going to start off with a few general comments, just to ensure that we have a smooth running of our meeting, and then I want to provide a small update to committee members about some upcoming meetings.
Please wait until I recognize you by name before speaking. For those participating by video conference, click on the microphone icon to activate it, and please mute yourself when you are not speaking. For those on Zoom, at the bottom of your screen you can select the appropriate channel for interpretation: floor, English or French. For those in the room, you can use the earpiece and select the desired channel. I remind you that all comments should be addressed through the chair.
Members, please raise your hand if you wish to speak, whether participating in person or via Zoom. The clerk and I will manage the speaking order as best we can. I thank you in advance for your co-operation.
Before we begin, for your information, committee members, the will appear on Thursday, October 2, regarding Bill . That is next Thursday, October 2. Consequently, as we have agreed, the clause-by-clause study of Bill will be held on Tuesday, October 7. We have to set a deadline for the submission of amendments to the bill. The clerk is recommending a deadline for submissions of Friday, October 3, at 12 p.m. That's to submit your amendments so that the package of amendments can be distributed 48 hours before the clause-by-clause.
Is that agreed?
Some hon. members: Agreed.
The Chair: Consequently, just so everybody is on the same page, based on our calendar, the next meeting with witnesses regarding the international student program and study permits, after today, would be on Thursday, October 9.
Okay. We're back to why we are all here: the international student program and study permits. Pursuant to Standing Order 108(2) and the motion adopted by the committee on September 16, 2025, the committee is commencing its study of the international student program and study permits.
I would like to welcome our witnesses for today's meeting. This is for our first hour. We have six witnesses: We have three in the first hour and another three in the second hour.
From the Canadian Bureau for International Education, we have Larissa Bezo, president and chief executive officer, by video conference. From the Higher Education Strategy Associates, we have Alex Usher, president. From The Dais at Toronto Metropolitan University, we have André Côté, executive director.
You will each have five minutes for your opening remarks, after which we will proceed to rounds of questions.
I invite Larissa Bezo to begin.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Thank you for this opportunity to contribute to your deliberations.
I won't mince words: The impacts of IRCC's policy changes over the past 20 months are serious and far-reaching and will be long-lasting.
Annual caps were followed by plummeting approval rates, drastically increased processing times and increased applicant requirements. We may have successfully addressed a numbers issue, but Canada is no longer competitive in attracting global talent. The international student program has lost sight of Canada's long-term growth, prosperity, labour market, research and innovation objectives. The changes represent a serious overcorrection that risks further eroding Canada's international reputation. Without action, there will be continued damage inflicted on our education institutions, labour markets, economic prospects and competitiveness. Canada needs global talent to sustain and grow our economy and to counter our aging population and declining birth rate. Canada's future prosperity and growth hinge on those who choose to study in Canada and ultimately make this country home.
We need to strategically rebuild international education—not in terms of returning to the volume of international students entering Canada before the cap, but, rather, better, smarter and with purpose, as well as ethical, sustainable and supportive of Canada's long-term national strategy, while concurrently ensuring program integrity. We have a new opportunity now to leverage the international student program to maximize the benefits for Canada in this key moment of nation building and geopolitical turmoil.
IRCC's policy changes are crushing a sector that in 2024 contributed $38.6 billion to Canada's GDP, over 1.7% of the total. In addition, international students graduating from our institutions account for over 40% of economic class immigrants and over one-third of Canadian entrepreneurs.
Applications to our universities and colleges are plummeting. It's not surprising, given that new study permits dropped by 70% between January and June, well in excess of IRCC's goals. These measures have devastated the system, and Canada's reputation along with it. Corrosive public rhetoric, alongside constrictive policy changes, has accelerated sector decline. We are even witnessing active attacks and hate crimes against international students.
Canada's welcoming reputation has disappeared in political narratives and policy statements, and the sector is struggling. Since the fall of 2024, Canadian institutions have announced 35 site closures, 863 program suspensions and the loss of over 10,000 jobs, with many more to come. These are not fly-by-night diploma mills; our greatest institutions have experienced severely reduced application and acceptance volumes and have been forced to make difficult cuts.
Without coordinated action to attract and retain global talent, Canada risks falling short of its economic, innovation and geopolitical objectives, undermining key national strategies and nation-building projects. To rebuild a smarter, more resilient system, we need an ethical, sustainable and coordinated approach that benefits all Canadians.
To address these questions and more, in May 2024, CBIE hosted a multi-stakeholder national dialogue on international students, with over 225 organizations represented, to begin charting a path forward for the Canadian international education sector. There were four key themes that emerged.
First, Canada's education sector needs a period of government policy stability and predictability. Our global brand needs time to heal. The sector and students will recalibrate to current policy; however, it requires a predictable policy environment.
Second, we need a new narrative about international education, both at home and abroad. Domestically, the narrative needs to focus on international education's value to Canadians and why it is important. Internationally, we must focus on the quality of our education system, preparing a global workforce, and our ethical international education practices.
Third, we need a global talent strategy in support of Canada's future economic, innovation and demographic goals. A centre of excellence for international education would provide for policy innovation, research, capacity building and strategic coordination in international education. Canada can no longer afford to risk losing global talent.
Fourth, we need to be clear that this isn't solely an immigration issue. Talent development and attraction cuts across departments and needs whole-of-government coordination: Global Affairs to align trade and diplomatic priorities, ISED to define industrial policy and Canada's research and innovation agenda, ESDC to ensure alignment with labour market and human resources development, the intergovernmental affairs secretariat to ensure provincial and territorial engagement, and Public Safety to address security considerations.
International education is a key part of Canada’s strengths, and an even more important part of its future. CBIE and our members look forward to working collaboratively with government, community and industries to realize a bold, renewed vision for international education in a global knowledge economy.
Thank you for the opportunity to share.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
[English]
Thanks for the invitation to appear at the committee.
I thought it would be helpful to say, just for the sake of clarity here, that when we talk about the international student program, we're really talking about three different things. It's not always clear to me that everybody is talking about the same thing.
There are student visas, and we've had these since we began handing out visas of any kind. I don't think it should be particularly controversial to say that if a student wants to spend their money at a Canadian institution, they should be allowed to do so. That seems uncontroversial to me. We could talk about what the conditions are on that visa. We can talk about what the right length of stay is, what work rights are associated with it and so forth, but if people want to buy an education here, let them buy it.
The second is postgraduate work visas. We don't talk very much about these, but these are the visas that allow students to stay for a period of a few months after their studies. These were not really a thing even 20 or 25 years ago, but they were a way that many countries, including the U.K. and Australia, which are two of our biggest competitors, used to make their institutions more attractive to international students. If you want our institutions to be competitive, you have to start thinking about what that looks like, and you can't be too far away from global norms.
The third one—and this is the one that I think has gotten everyone in a tizzy over the last five years or so—is the link to permanent residency, which I believe Canada introduced in 2007. It was early in the Harper years. We were the only country to say that you could go from a degree, a certificate or a postgraduate visa to some kind of path toward permanent residency. We did that because 20 years ago, among the top issues in public policy around immigration was the idea that immigrants were not integrated into the labour force fast enough. They didn't have Canadian experience. The idea, again from the Harper PMO, was, “Hey, why don't we have a certain fraction of our immigrants have Canadian experience before they get here?” That was the idea. That is where this path to citizenship was born.
That kind of makes sense. That logic still makes a certain amount of sense. Look, all of this worked until the moment when it didn't. A couple of years ago, we got this toxic mix of five things. We had institutions that had not initially been considered the target of the permanent residency program realizing they could monetize it. When this policy was adopted in 2007, people were mostly thinking about universities. It didn't occur to them that colleges would come along and monetize this policy.
You had provincial governments—mainly, but not exclusively, Conservative—that realized that if institutions could monetize this policy, Canadian governments didn't need to subsidize universities and colleges so much. This is great. Lots of people did that.
You then had a Liberal federal government that, mainly because of COVID-era inflation, thought that turning international students into de facto temporary foreign workers was a great idea. We upped the work permit hours from 20 hours a week to 40 hours a week. Guess what happened. From all over the world, students started flooding in because we now had by far the most generous set of conditions across those three programs of anyone.
Then, as soon as everyone realized that things weren't going too well, that we had too many students and that it was affecting housing prices and that kind of stuff, everyone started finger pointing. This wasn't our country's finest hour. We could have done better. We should have done better.
What we ended up with was a federal government that barely understood what was going on, lashing out, acting alone, doing anything it could to bring the numbers down with only the barest understanding of the system it was regulating. Of course, we ended up with a dog’s breakfast. However, I think it's not so much a product of the policies. Yes, you can point to certain policies for certain actions like that, but the real causes here are that, one, we underinvest in operational and data systems, which leaves decision-makers poorly informed and the system as a whole insecure, and two, we have almost no instinct anymore for co-operative federalism. This was a clear case where governments should have been talking to one another, and they weren't. They should have been including institutions, as well. We have brutally siloed decision-making.
:
Thank you, Chair, and thank you to the committee for inviting me to speak.
My name is André Côté, and I am the executive director of The Dais, which is a think tank at Toronto Metropolitan University. We're focused on public policy at the intersection of technology, education and democracy. In a past life, I was a senior adviser to an Ontario higher education minister, so I have some experience in government on these and other related issues.
We, at The Dais, have been doing a bunch of work on the international education file over the last couple of years. We launched a project shortly after the original January 2024 announcements. It was kind of like the times before Miller, before the announcement, and the times after the announcement. What we wanted to focus on was not just the immediate turmoil—we'll call it that—in the wake of it, but also how we think about the long-term future of the system in Canada. We hosted round tables with a whole range of players across the country. We published a report earlier this year, so I'll hit a few points there.
To begin, I commend the committee, first—and that's where Larissa started—for keeping this issue on the agenda. Frankly, there were a bunch of reforms last year, and it's like a half-completed project, so it's important that we come back to it. I also commend you for the kind of systems lens you're taking, because that's what it is. It's a very complex system, so it's good to have good starting points.
The first point is that we need to focus on fixing Canada's international education system for the future, rather than assigning blame for the past. You're going to hear from many speakers who have expressed great frustration and anger about the reforms last year; however, we have to be honest with ourselves: Many things contributed to what was essentially the failure of the system in a variety of ways that other speakers have spoken to.
With the federal government and the way the reforms were executed, sure, you can point to some problems, but the provinces were hugely complicit, some provinces in particular. Universities and colleges themselves, many of which pursued really aggressive growth strategies, also incented that. There were also recruitment agents and other players. There were many who contributed. Instead of dwelling on that, let's focus our energies on fixing the system to the benefit of Canada and doing right by foreign students here. That's the first point.
Second, to get into the reforms themselves, we have been broadly supportive of the previous government's core reforms to reduce and cap the size of the program and tie it to the broader immigration levels and planned targets for temporary residents; to do things like tightening up postgraduate work permits and eliminating the private partnerships, which were quite egregious even dating back to my days in the Ontario government; to put more focus on integrity and accountability mechanisms with designated learning institutions, and some other aspects, smart minor changes, such as the changes in working hours, which someone mentioned.
That being said, the federal reforms overstepped into some domains that are better managed by the provinces or the institutions, or maybe not at all. I would point to two of them. One would be the postgraduate work permit eligibility for colleges being tied to in-demand programs. Basically, out of IRCC, you're sort of dictating a list of 1,000 programs. Someone referred to a dog's breakfast. I think that's what that is. That one has been very challenging. The real question is, is that something the federal government should be doing? There were also changes for graduate students, including the cap and limiting work eligibility for spouses. Simply put, these are areas that the IRCC is not well equipped to intervene in. It pushes into provincial jurisdiction. To us, it's better to either scrap it or delegate it to provinces and territories.
We have many other pieces around the policy in our report, but I'll close here.
The policies themselves have not changed much since the last Parliament, or with this new government, but the landscape has changed in two very critical ways, I would say. The first is that we've come to fully appreciate the extent of the damage to brand Canada from the crisis in terms of our international reputation and in terms of what it has meant for study permit applications.
We've seen the projections for 2025, for example, not even meeting the hugely reduced targets. Even more worrying is that we've seen the numbers of new study permit submissions fall dramatically. Larissa made the point that it requires a concerted effort to fix this. It's across FPTs and the post-secondary sector. We need a team Canada approach here.
The flip side is that, while our brand has taken a big hit, there's a global shift toward anti-immigration sentiment, closed borders, and in particular what's happened in the U.S. with the terrifying ICE raids, and now with this $100,000—
:
Thank you so much, Mr. Côté.
Thanks to all of you for the excellent beginning to our conversation over the next hour.
Before we begin our first round of questions, I want to remind everyone of two things. First, for our witnesses, the first set of three questioners in a round will have six minutes for questions. It's important for you to know this, because we have a lot of questions. We're hoping you can respond to them with haste. I wanted to mention that. The second round is generally five minutes. I usually say whether it will be five minutes or six minutes or two and a half minutes so that you will have an idea of how long it will be.
Just as a reminder to everyone in the room, let's allow the opportunity for our witnesses to respond to the questions. Thank you.
Our first questioner will be Mr. Redekopp, for six minutes.
Our institutions, in their day-to-day work, broadly, in terms of their education offerings, are very much focused on aligning programming to support the evolving labour market needs in Canada and in our communities.
We've certainly seen, with the latest recalibrations around the PGWP, a further alignment to ensure that our graduates are, in fact, job-ready. We are hearing from employers about positions that they still struggle to fill, absent both domestic and international talent.
Mr. Côté, I appreciated your presentation as well, particularly on the need to focus on the future and not dwell on the past. Clearly, there was an imbalance, to say the least, with the numbers, as you and other witnesses have noted and as this committee has understood very well.
Of the various ideas that you put forward, sir, can you provide us with your key recommendation, for this committee and for the government, on the international student program?
:
I think there are a few places where the federal government can roll back some aspects of what it did, where it overextended in some of the places I talked about, such as for postgraduate work permits and for colleges around graduate students. Again, broadly, I felt as though we had a demand-driven system that was a little bit out of control and these types of reforms were needed to pull it back in.
With regard to Alex's point, the collaborative federalism is huge. This is a system jointly administered with provinces and also, critically, with institutions and various other players, like third party recruiters, so there needs to be a team approach. I think the federal government needs to engage with the provinces on how they're doing their part around oversight of designated learning institutions. I think the federal government can say, “Listen, PTs, if you're showing us that you're stepping up to the plate there, maybe we'll be able to pull back on some of the areas that you feel are overly restrictive for you or for your institutions.”
I think the brand Canada piece is really huge. We have an opportunity now, if we get our act together and do it as a team Canada thing. Looking to the future, let's work together on that, as opposed to being upset about our collective failures in the past.
On the topic of co-operative federalism, federal responsibility and provincial responsibility, we haven't talked about the provinces. I take the point you just raised about the provinces, but it seems to me that tuition is a key issue here.
Mr. Usher, this question is for you. In a comment that you made to the ICEF Monitor—this is an online page that focuses on international students and international education policy generally—about recent changes made by IRCC, you said:
We're talking about hundreds of program closures and all those high-cost programs in health and trades are 100% on the table, because the provincial government simply does not fund these programs at an adequate level. They've been cross subsidized for years by international students. It's going to be a program apocalypse, one that provincial governments are completely unprepared to handle because international student fees have allowed them to stay in denial about the extent of their own underfunding over the past decade.
You made that comment in specific reference to the Government of Ontario, but there are other provinces that it could apply to.
Could you speak about the need for provincial governments to step up funding with respect to tuition? While colleges were involved in this—and universities, obviously, but particularly colleges—I think they are getting a particularly bad rap, considering the fact that tuition was not there for them. It certainly was not there for them as it was a number of years ago. If you compare provincial education funding for colleges and universities in the early 1990s to where it's at today, you will see that there has been a dramatic decline, and that opened the door for colleges and universities to look to international students.
Could you provide a quick comment on that?
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
I thank the witnesses who are here today to take part in our study of this important motion.
I also want to thank my colleagues who voted in favour of the motion and decided to make it the first thing the committee will study this fall.
You're well aware that international students are of crucial importance to Quebec, especially to universities outside of major centres. Unfortunately, there are problems with IRCC's permit system. That's why I moved this motion. The goal is to identify problems, but the motion also indicates that we want to find solutions to improve the system.
My first questions are for Ms. Bezo.
Ms. Bezo, you represent Quebec universities outside of Montreal, such as the Université du Québec en Outaouais and the Université du Québec à Trois‑Rivières.
I imagine you're familiar with the process an international student has to go through to come study in Quebec.
Are you?
The following question is for Mr. Usher.
You published, also in 2025, “The State of Postsecondary Education in Canada”. In it, you mentioned that, for both universities and colleges, “'business' studies are the largest single category” of enrolments “due mainly to this being the field of choice for the international students”. A few pages later, you write, “At the college level...nearly 50% of all students enrolled in business programs.” Beside this statement is a chart where I see that in the 2022-23 academic year, there were over 90,000 international students enrolled in college business programs, and close to 60,000 in university business programs.
In your opinion, would these numbers have been the same if the international student caps had been established earlier?
:
Welcome back, everyone.
Good afternoon to all of our panellists. Thank you for being here today.
I will be formally introducing you in a few minutes. First, I would like to make a few comments for your benefit, just to remind you of a few things. Please wait until I recognize you by name before speaking. If you are participating by Zoom, click on the microphone icon to activate your mic. Please mute yourself when you're not speaking. At the bottom of your screen, you can select the appropriate channel for interpretation: floor, English or French. As a reminder, all comments should be addressed through the chair.
I would now like to welcome our witnesses for the second panel.
From Seneca Polytechnic, we have David Agnew, president. From U15 Canada, we have Robert Asselin, chief executive officer. From Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières, we have Christian Blanchette, president.
You each have up to five minutes for opening remarks, after which we will proceed with rounds of questions. Just to remind everyone, in terms of rounds of questions, I'll mention how many minutes you have for the question period, just so you know how much time you have to answer. As you know, the members have lots of questions, so please be as quick and precise with your answers as possible. Thank you.
We will start with Mr. Agnew from Seneca Polytechnic.
You have five minutes, please.
:
Thank you very much, Madam Chair.
Thank you for the invitation from the committee to appear before you in your review of the international student program.
Seneca Polytechnic has campuses in Toronto, King City, Markham and Peterborough and has a long history in international education. In addition to academic partnerships with institutions around the world, we've had many student and faculty exchanges, done international development work, delivered corporate training overseas and recruited thousands of international students over the decades.
I'm particularly proud of our responsible approach to geographic diversity in our recruitment, with a cap of 30% of our international student body from any one country. Seneca has routinely had students from 120 or more countries on campus.
We're a comprehensive polytechnic that has programs across the disciplines, many of them subject to accreditation and quality standards set by organizations such as Transport Canada, the College of Nurses of Ontario, engineering bodies, the Canadian Veterinary Medical Association and many others.
Our degrees are reviewed by the Postsecondary Education Quality Assessment Board and other credentials by the Ontario College Quality Assurance Service. We have industry advisory committees for every program, which ensures that we are responsive to labour market needs.
Some of the leading programs that have attracted international students over the years are in health care, early childhood education, aviation, advanced manufacturing, information technology and, of course, business.
We're known for our work in bringing artificial intelligence technologies into our classrooms, services and operations. We recently launched our very first master's degree, and it is in AI.
Investments in curriculum development, lab equipment, mental health services, work-integrated learning, a housing office, applied research projects, tutoring, modernizing campuses and more are ways we support our domestic and international students and set them up for success in their careers.
Seneca, like virtually every other post-secondary institution in Canada, has seen the number of overseas applicants fall since the January 2024 announcement of changes to the ISP. We are also experiencing steep drops in approval rates for those who do want to come to Canada. Let me share with you some numbers.
Last year, 2024, there was a 45% decline in study permit approvals, which was well beyond IRCC's stated target of a 35% reduction. In the first half of this year, study permit approval rates in Ontario have fallen from 64% of applicants to 25%. This is, of course, on a much smaller base of applicants. For Seneca, across our international programs, the number of applications for the fall fell more than 80% in two years, from nearly 81,000 two years ago to less than 15,000 this year.
Let me address the asylum seeker issue, which I know is of interest to the committee. I learned about this issue from a media story, not through any official channels. I wish I could shed more light on what is behind the numbers, but I don't know any more than what I read and hear in the public domain. From an institutional perspective, let me just say that it makes no sense for us financially or reputationally to recruit a student who we know wants to claim asylum status in Canada.
We offered to the last IRCC minister to work together and share data to better understand the issue, and the same offer has been extended by our national association, Colleges and Institutes Canada. Unfortunately, so far, those offers have not been taken up. We stand ready to collaborate to address this issue.
Looking forward rather than reliving the past, I would like to offer some suggestions for the future direction of the ISP. We need much closer consultation with provinces, territories and the post-secondary system about any proposed changes to the ISP, including to the list of programs that are eligible for PGWPs. The roller coaster of policy changes during the last 21 months or so has taken its toll on Canada's reputation, and we need more predictability for all involved.
If we are to tie immigration to Canada's labour market needs, it's important to engage all the relevant players, such as the provincial and territorial governments, local and regional governments, the business community and the higher education sector. Regional variations of in-demand skills are considerable, and a one-size-fits-all approach will disadvantage local economies.
We need stability in the ISP and to start the long and hard journey of rebuilding the trust and credibility of the Canadian education brand. We want to be partners in building a sustainable immigration system that serves the needs of the Canadian economy and society.
Thank you for your time. I look forward to your questions.
:
Madam Chair, members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today.
[English]
My name is Robert Asselin. I serve as CEO of U15 Canada, Canada's 15 leading research universities. Together, our institutions conduct more than 75% of all university research in Canada, enrol 70% of the country's full-time doctoral students and generate much of the nation's innovation, from patents to private sector research contracts. Collectively, our universities are a national strategic asset; they are anchors of talent, research and innovation.
[Translation]
International students, especially graduate and post-graduate students, are essential to that mission. They bring skills and ideas that make Canada more innovative and more productive, thereby strengthening both our economy and our communities.
International graduate and postgraduate students are a crucial pool of highly skilled talent. More than half of those who took a master's or doctorate in the 2000s became permanent residents of Canada within a decade.
Canada ranks just 25th among OECD countries for the proportion of graduate degrees awarded. We can't allow ourselves to turn away top talent.
[English]
We recognize that changes to immigration policies were necessary, but treating all international students with a one-size-fits-all approach has created uncertainty, damaged Canada's reputation and reduced international enrolment.
At U15 universities, the share of international students has been stable at 18%-20% since 2018. However, for the first time in decades, we're now seeing steep declines. First-year international bachelor enrolments have dropped 19%. Graduate and doctoral programs are also seeing major reductions, particularly in engineering, computer science, health and life sciences. These are precisely the fields that underpin Canada's future economy and security. In graduate computer engineering programs, enrolment has dropped by more than 20% in a single year. This is the talent we need to build nuclear reactors, advance AI supercomputing, and strengthen our defence industrial base.
Because graduate students play such a central role as research assistants, these declines are already eroding the capacity of Canada's research ecosystem to deliver the discoveries and innovations our society and businesses depend on. Including graduate students in study permit caps has weakened Canada's research capacity at the very moment when sovereignty and competitiveness demands the opposite. Even the Speech from the Throne emphasized the importance of attracting the best and the brightest.
We, therefore, recommend three steps: one, rebuild Canada's reputation by sending a clear signal that we welcome top global talent, including the timely processing of study permits; two, exempt graduate students from study permit caps; three, target bad actors while supporting institutions that uphold the highest standards through a distinctions-based approach that recognizes excellence.
In a world where ideas, talent and technology define prosperity and security, our ability to attract and retain the brightest minds will determine our future. If we send the wrong signal now, we risk losing a generation of talent to our competitors, and with it, the innovations in industry that will shape the 21st century. If we act with urgency and clarity, however, Canada can cement its reputation as a global destination for excellence in research and discovery.
This is not just about universities. It's about our economy and security. We must choose ambition.
[Translation]
Thank you, Madam Chair.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
I thank everyone who is with us today.
International students are essential to Canadian universities for both research, as others have mentioned, and to keep certain programs in a number of universities going.
The international student situation is a regional problem for which some have sought a national solution. This has resulted in tragedy for many of the country's universities.
I'd like to go over how responsibilities are shared among the major players in this file—universities, the federal government and the provincial government.
Universities are responsible for evaluating the quality of education that applicants have received. Provincial governments assess students' financial ability. The federal government looks at financial ability, but is fully responsible for security screening of applicants to ensure national security.
That said, universities take steps to maintain the integrity of the system. All universities have procedures in place to ensure that the documents they receive and review are genuine. Sometimes they go much further than that.
Case in point, the Université du Québec à Trois‑Rivières, UQTR.
In 2021, we noticed an unusual situation with the number of applications from certain countries. We also observed a new phenomenon, an unusual number of applicants from certain countries withdrawing early in the semester.
That situation prompted me to write a letter to the Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada, the Honourable Sean Fraser, on November 17, 2021. In my letter, I indicated that we had noticed our admissions system could be used improperly to get around the usual official immigration rules and procedures. I invited him to take action by addressing this matter, and I assured him of our co-operation.
We've been co-operating with IRCC offices since 2022. We started using two-factor authentication two years before it was rolled out across Canada, and we validated the identity of visa holders with IRCC.
We also instituted other measures. There were unusual elements in applications we received from six countries in the spring of 2021, and we implemented user fees for those countries.
In October 2022, we added three more countries to the list, bringing the total number of targeted countries to nine. In 2021, we expanded that to all countries from which we were receiving applications. We saw a dramatic decline in the number of applications we received that seemed irregular, and suddenly agencies were no longer in the picture.
That said, new public policies limiting the number of international students have a detrimental effect on universities' ability to conduct research and provide quality education to their students.
Case in point, in April 2025, Quebec universities as a whole saw a 43% drop in the number of applications for admission. At UQTR, the number of applications dropped by 56%. We are currently compiling the data for September 2025, the semester that just started.
Every Quebec university is allowed to accept a limited percentage of international students. UQTR was only able to reach 36% of its limit. The figures I am seeing from the system as a whole indicate an average of around 35%.
Overall, in a single year, the number of international students enrolling in Quebec institutions has dropped by close to 20%. In addition, the administrative measures put in place to control the arrival of international students are causing significant processing delays for study permits, which is leading to a marked drop in enrollment.
International student recruitment is a competition for talent. The decline I just mentioned is a strong indication that Canada lost that competition in 2024. It lost again in 2025. This is bad for universities, and it is really bad for Canada's economic development.
I believe that the international student issue is not an immigration issue. It is, first and foremost, about university development, Canada's development, and research and economic development in Canada.
We need to send a strong signal if we want Canada to become a welcoming country again and if we want to approach the competition for talent in 2026 in a more welcoming manner.
:
Universities haven't changed how they recruit people. Obviously it was very surprising to see such a sharp drop in the number of applications at all kinds of universities. We've seen statements made by our politicians in the press around the world, and we can see what kind of impact that has had.
The day after a department issues a statement, it appears in North African countries and all the countries in the francophonie, among others. Processing times are now extremely long. As a result, many high-quality candidates, talented people at all kinds of universities find themselves without a study permit come September because there is too much red tape. There are ways to simplify the process, and the government really needs to work on shortening processing times.
I have an example for you, Mr. Brunelle-Duceppe.
Doctoral studies in Canada take four years. Programs are designed to last four years. In general, candidates graduate after four and a half years of study. However, permits issued to international students for doctoral programs are valid for three years. That forces students to apply for a renewal, and that clogs up the system. That's not all. Applications for renewal are just like the initial IRCC permit application. Students are expected to produce documents and diplomas that are already in our universities' files. They've already produced all those documents. Moreover, it can sometimes be very difficult to get those documents in some countries.
Our system is cumbersome and unfit for its purpose. We should have an expedited process for applications for renewal. We need to look at the entire system and simplify it. Currently, its consequences are very negative, and talented people who were told they can come to Canada aren't coming. Canada's reputation is suffering as a result.
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There is no doubt that a number of regions in Canada were surprised.
I'll give you some statistics specific to Quebec. In 2018, there were 314,000 international and domestic students in the Quebec university system. In 2022, there were 316,000 students, and in 2025, we're at 318,000 students.
There hasn't been a massive explosion in the number of students. Housing is a major issue in some regions. In Quebec, there are essentially 12 university towns, if we include the cities around Montreal. In most cases, Quebec, Canadian and international students migrate to these cities. At UQTR, two thirds of our students do not come from the city or region of Trois-Rivières. They come from elsewhere in Quebec and around the world.
For us, the housing issue is important. We have never had difficulty in finding housing for our students, even when there was a shortage. However, we increased the number of student housing units in 2014 by 44% by establishing partnerships.
We're making a major effort because people are saying in the public sphere that universities are creating the housing problem. That may be true in some places, but I don't see it in most Quebec cities. We really need to look at this situation by looking at the real data on housing.
The housing shortage problem exists everywhere. I lived in Toronto for 13 years, and I can tell you that there was a housing shortage in Toronto in 1985.