:
Good morning, Mr. Speaker. It is a great day in Parliament today, and it is my pleasure to rise to introduce Bill , an act that would implement certain provisions of the budget tabled in Parliament on November 4.
A mere few weeks ago, our government tabled budget 2025, an investment budget with unprecedented measures to build big things in this country, to empower Canadians with a better life and to protect our sovereignty. This budget comes at a time when global headwinds are being felt by Canadians all across the country, in their homes, in their shops, on factory floors, in the fields, in boardrooms and truly everywhere across the nation.
From geopolitical conflicts causing uncertainty, to rising protectionism, including tariffs imposed by our closest trading partner, Canada's fundamental relationships with the world are changing. The speed, scope and scale of these changes are extraordinary and unparalleled. They are not just transformative but represent a true generational shift.
To meet this moment, our government is playing to Canada's many, many strengths to secure a better economic future for everyone, not only because we owe it to Canadians to do so but also because we know that when Canadians come together, there is nothing we cannot accomplish. No one should ever make the mistake of underestimating Canada, and on this side of the House we will never apologize for being optimistic about Canada's future, because we are here to make good things happen for Canadians. On this side of the House we believe in Canada.
This past spring, our government was elected with a clear mandate to do meaningful and significant work for this country at an important moment in our history. Budget 2025 delivers on this promise with the generational plan to build one Canadian economy instead of 13, a uniquely Canadian success story amplified by major nation-building projects that will connect our regions, diversify our markets and create hundreds of thousands of high-paying careers, from the skilled trades to advanced technologies.
Just as the railways united our country, the Trans-Canada Highway opened our frontiers and the St. Lawrence Seaway linked our economy to the world, today's major projects will be as transformative, building clean power grids for a sustainable future and expanding our ports to accelerate our trade with partners around the world.
This includes major projects like the Iqaluit hydro project, which is Inuit-owned and will be providing clean power to communities that have traditionally relied on burning 15 million litres of imported diesel fuel per year. There is also the new nuclear project at Darlington in Bowmanville, in my region of Durham, that will deploy four small modular reactors and provide clean power to 1.2 million homes while adding over 21,000 jobs and $38.5 billion to Canada's GDP over the next 65 years.
Bill would further advance the Alto high-speed rail project, Canada's first high-speed rail, a 300-kilometre-an-hour railway from Toronto to Quebec City, whose path to construction would be accelerated, bringing us ever closer to fast travel within Canada's most populated corridor.
Bill would invest $11.5 billion in Build Canada Homes and make $1.5 billion available to capitalize Canada Lands Company Limited to support housing construction on properties held by the corporation. Our new trade diversification strategy will boost our global footprint, doubling overseas exports over a decade and generating $300 billion more in trade.
All these measures and many others included in Bill speak to our clear and ambitious plan to move our economy from our traditional state of reliance on one trading partner to a state of resilience, which would help us absorb and react to any shocks our economy experiences in the future. To meet these targets, we must ensure that Canada remains an attractive place to invest and grow a business, while fostering homegrown innovation.
Our new productivity superdeduction will make it easier for Canadian businesses to invest in new machinery, equipment and technologies, enhancing Canada's competitive advantage over the United States and encouraging crucial business investment across the country, while boosting productivity and growth. I know that members opposite are with me on this, because they have spoken to it in the House many times. The GDP per capita and productivity must rise.
The superdeductions are exactly the type of tax measures and benefits to businesses that will cause them to invest in themselves, to bet on themselves, to increase productivity and to help increase real wages relative to the cost of living and ensure a higher standard of living for all Canadians.
Additionally, Bill would enhance Canada's scientific research and experimental development tax incentive program by increasing the enhanced credit expenditure limit to $6 million, extending eligibility for the enhanced credit to certain Canadian public corporations and restoring capital expenditures as eligible costs.
Doing all of this plays to Canada's many strengths: a highly educated workforce, a world-class research and innovation ecosystem, stability and the rule of law, strong trading relationships with traditional and emerging markets, and sound fiscal and economic fundamentals and management.
Another one of our strengths is our strong resource and energy sector and our ongoing commitment to make Canada competitive in a decarbonizing global economy. We believe, as the vast majority of Canadians believe, that Canada must continue investing in the clean economy to drive down emissions, fight climate change and create good-paying jobs for future generations. Our government's proposed climate competitiveness strategy will drive the investments needed for Canadian businesses to compete and, most importantly, win in the net-zero future that we all know is the reality of our world.
As part of this strategy, Bill includes measures to deliver the clean electricity investment tax credit to support clean electricity technologies and a clean electricity grid, as well as to enhance the suite of existing investment tax credits to further support investments in clean technologies and clean-technology manufacturing.
The carbon capture, utilization and storage investment tax credit would maintain its full credit rates for an additional five years, up to 2035. The clean-technology manufacturing investment tax credit would be broadened to include more critical minerals essential for clean-technology supply chains. Similarly, the critical mineral exploration tax credit would be expanded to cover 12 more minerals, further supporting Canada's role in global clean energy supply chains.
We also are making Canada's tax system more fair. As we lay out the conditions that we believe will attract historic investments to turbocharge the Canadian economy, our new government is also focused on ensuring that Canadians can keep more of their hard-earned money in their pockets. That is why one of the first things we did after winning the spring election was reduce taxes for 22 million Canadians, which is essential tax relief at a time when Canadians really need it.
We cut taxes to lower the cost of housing for first-time homebuyers, a measure that immediately makes home ownership a reality for more Canadians, especially young families. The average rate of savings would be about $50,000 on the purchase of a new home under $1 million. That is significant savings for young people trying to get into the housing market.
We brought down the price of gasoline by 18¢ per litre in most provinces and territories when we cancelled the divisive consumer carbon price, while strengthening industrial carbon pricing to ensure that our industries can remain competitive for future generations.
To build upon that momentum, our government is moving forward with several important tax reforms. For starters, to help protect the financial stability of persons with disabilities, Bill would exempt the Canada disability benefit from income calculations, maximizing its benefits, and would proceed with expanding the disability supports deduction. Bill C-15 would also introduce a temporary personal support workers tax credit to provide up to $1,100 per year to eligible PSWs, recognizing in a tangible way their vital contributions to our communities.
Additionally, the legislation would increase the lifetime capital gains exemption to apply to up to $1.25 million of eligible capital gains, as announced in budget 2024, ensuring that Canadians with eligible capital gains will pay less tax and be better off as a result. We are also proposing to drop the underused housing tax, as well as the luxury tax on aircraft and vessels, which will respectively reduce burdensome administrative and compliance costs and support the aviation and boating industries at a time of ongoing global economic uncertainty.
We are also strengthening and protecting Canada's financial sector. We are putting more money in Canadians' pockets while also helping Canadians access their money more easily and sooner. We are making changes to Canada's financial sector, giving consumers more control of their finances. Bill would amend the Bank Act to raise the first amount of immediately available deposited cheque funds from $100 to $150 and remove the timing distinction between funds deposited in person and those done via other means. This will give more Canadians easier access to their own money and reduce reliance on short-term credit, such as payday loans or overdraft protection, especially for low-income Canadians and seniors.
Bill would also amend the Bank Act, the Canada Deposit Insurance Corporation Act and the Financial Consumer Agency of Canada Act to make it easier for credit unions to enter the federal framework and expand so that they can continue to serve more Canadians. Notably, the legislation will also advance the government's commitment to open banking by completing the consumer-driven banking legislative framework. This will enable secure financial data sharing in Canada and facilitate access to lower-cost products, clearer choices and better tools to manage debt and reduce financial stress for Canadians.
Additionally, Bill would create a regulated space for stablecoins, a type of cryptocurrency whose value is usually tied to a government-issued currency, further supporting innovation in the financial sector and helping build trust in digital payments. We are also cracking down on sophisticated financial crimes, from ghost texts and mysterious links to masked voice-over calls and phony bank emails, all of which threaten the financial well-being of Canadians everywhere. These are becoming increasingly sophisticated and harder to detect, but Bill C-15 will amend the Bank Act to require banks to have policies and procedures to detect and prevent consumer-targeted fraud and, to mitigate its impacts, collect and report data on fraud to the Financial Consumer Agency of Canada and allow consumers to disable certain account features and adjust maximum transaction amounts.
We are doing all that while also making government more efficient. To deliver on this investment budget, Canada's new government is spending less on government operations to invest more in the workers, businesses and nation-building infrastructure that will surely grow our economy. Budget 2025 delivers on the government's comprehensive expenditure review so that we can right-size government and deliver $60 billion in savings and revenues that can be deployed for other purposes over the next five years. The size of our public sector has grown significantly during the COVID and the post-COVID eras. Our public service played an invaluable role helping Canada navigate those crises. I know Canadians are grateful and very appreciative of the role the federal government and all public servants played in that process.
We are now, however, facing a new set of challenges, and the economic headwinds we are facing mean we have to spend less on government operations so we can invest more in the growth and prosperity of our economy. To be clear, our government will continue to protect the vital programs people across the nation rely on, such as child care, dental care, prescription drug coverage, the Canada child benefit, the national school food program and so much more.
These are essential programs that Canadians have come to rely on. They are part of our social safety net. They benefit the most vulnerable in our society. It is imperative that we protect that social safety net. It is part of what makes the country great.
The measures I have outlined here today are ambitious and broad, but they are also integrated and interconnected into a comprehensive plan. All this, from catalyzing investment to making life more affordable for Canadians and spending less on government operations so that we can invest more in transformative projects, are part of our plan to help Canada navigate this unique moment.
These are smart, strategic investments designed to catalyze $500 billion of new private investment into Canada over the next five years and enable $1 trillion in total investment in Canada in five years, investments that will not only invest in people but businesses all across Canada. Canadians want to thrive. They want to see a thriving economy for generations to come.
Budget 2025 is our plan to harness Canada's many strengths and to put our country on the path to prosperity, making a strong country even stronger and more resilient. That is what budget 2025 is about. It is because we believe in Canada. It is a strategy to build at speed, at scope and at a scale not seen in generations, with Canadian workers at the core and at the centre, and with the national interest at the heart of every decision that is made.
I urge all hon. members to support the speedy passage of Bill , so we can meet the moment we find ourselves in and, together, build a Canada that is secure, resilient and strong.
:
Mr. Speaker, I was very proud to speak this week at the Future of Energy Global Summit. Of course, the member for would have been a much better speaker. She has so much knowledge and experience. I want to take a moment and wish my seatmate the very best. She is a fierce advocate for her constituents and our shared Conservative values. She is in our thoughts and prayers.
The panel I was on was very relevant to today's topic. It was called ”making major projects viable”. Of course, this is something we as Conservatives have been advocating for for the last decade, whether it is ports, bridges, tracks, reactors or pipelines, which is of course my favourite as an Albertan. The conference was amazing and the panel was incredible, but of course I wanted to do my best to prepare for it, so I researched the bios of the panellists and the proposed major federal projects. Then I received a copy of the 2023 white paper, which included the presentations in the inaugural year of the conference. Lo and behold, the had presented at this conference in 2023. I thought this was interesting, so I looked to see what he had to say.
The topic of his speech was the challenges and opportunities of the energy transition. That is very interesting. I was listening. His title then was United Nations special envoy on climate action and finance.
One key point is that the presenter highlighted the need for approximately an additional $3 trillion per year for a quarter of a century to meet the Paris Agreement and the net-zero targets. This is from the man who is trying to convince Canadians that he has their best interests at heart. This is from the man who wants us to believe that he is for industry, productivity and the common good of our nation. This is from the man who promised Canadians that he would increase productivity and rein in spending.
My mother taught me a very important lesson as a young woman when a close friend let me down. I think it applies here. That lesson is that, when somebody tells us who they are, we should believe them. When somebody asks for $3 trillion, creates a deficit of $78 billion, puts forward a budget of $414 billion and is comfortable with a $50-billion interest payment on debt annually, that somebody is telling us who they are, and when somebody tells us who they are, we should believe them.
In the 's book Values, he spent years evangelizing carbon pricing. Carbon taxes, he insisted, should increase, yet when polling indicated that a majority of Canadians would reject carbon pricing, a position that was the cornerstone of Conservative policy under the , he announced in his 2025 platform that he had eliminated carbon pricing. This, of course, was not the case. The industrial carbon price remained. This is no surprise given his previous claim that the Canadian federal carbon pricing framework is a model for other nations. After acting for years as the global spokesperson for carbon pricing, he arrives as the Liberal candidate for and claims he will do away with it, yet he retained the industrial carbon tax. In his book, he goes so far as to say that global interests should take priority over national interests. We can only assume that he also, within that, includes Canada.
The Canadian energy sector has some of the strictest environmental regulations in the world, yet the and the government continue to impose additional barriers, citing international commitments. This approach scares away investors, delays projects and forces Canada to rely on oil from countries with no transparency or no environmental responsibility. When somebody tells us who they are, we should believe them.
Then there are the things the would like Canadians to believe he has achieved. He claimed, in February of 2025, at his campaign launch in Edmonton, that he had helped manage multiple crises and saved not one but two economies. The leaders who were in charge at the time have different stories to tell. Former Conservative prime minister Stephen Harper, the greatest prime minister in the history of Canada, for now, wrote that the Prime Minister's experience is not all it is cracked up to be.
He said his “experience is NOT the day-to-day management of Canada’s economy during the global financial crisis”. He went on to say, “I have listened, with increasing disbelief, to [the Prime Minister’s] attempts to take credit for things he had little or nothing to do with.... He has been doing this at the expense of the late Jim Flaherty, among the greatest Finance Ministers in Canada's history, who sadly is not here to defend his record.” Harper goes on, “But let me be very clear: the hard calls during the 2008-2009 global financial crisis were made by Jim.” Former prime minister Stephen Harper went on to say that his record as an adviser to former prime minister Justin Trudeau and the Liberals was so bad.
Likewise, former prime minister of England Liz Truss said the “did a terrible job” as the Bank of England governor. She counts the Prime Minister as a regular among those who caused the British pound to drop to its lowest-ever rate against the U.S. dollar, citing them as those who believe in big government and high taxation. According to his record, he printed too much money, something we have seen in Canada under the Liberal government; lost control of regulation, presided over a steep decline of London and, most seriously, politicized the bank.
In the years since the Prime Minister left, it is written that his successors have been struggling to clear up the mess that the Prime Minister left. This misrepresentation even exists within his own party. He claimed in the English-language Liberal leaders' debate that it was his privilege to work with former prime minister Paul Martin when he balanced the books and kept the books balanced. The only problem is that the Prime Minister started out in finance in 2004, according to his own LinkedIn page, almost a decade after former prime minister Martin's ship-righting 1995 budget and well after Martin finished balancing the books in 1998.
Finally, we arrive at the topic of today's debate, the budget and its implementation. The stated, “We need discipline for our spending, it's necessary”, and that Canadians could expect a prudent budget. However, the Prime Minister's spending plans make his predecessor, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, seem like a tight-fisted miser. We have seen in his budget an increase in spending and a further $90 billion in deficit spending over four years. Of course, that is only if the government meets its targets, which it has not done in years. It has consistently had much higher deficits than even its own projections call for.
“These are very prudent numbers”, the Prime Minister has said. The $78 billion deficit, $414 billion in spending this fiscal year alone and $50 billion annually in interest on the debt is not prudence, but this is what the Prime Minister would like to have Canadians believe. The greatest predictor of future behaviour is past behaviour. The Prime Minister wants us to believe that he has put forward a budget of austerity and disciplined spending, but he also wants us to believe that he saved two economies.
When we look at his actions, they tell us otherwise. As poor as his actions are, his own words speak even stronger. “People will charge me with being elitist or a globalist...which...happens to be exactly what we need.” That means the Prime Minister will always put his wealthy friends first. He will always put nations before Canada. His loyalty does not lie with Canada or with Canadians. He has told us in his own words exactly who he is, and when somebody tells us who they are, we should believe them.
:
Mr. Speaker, when the budget was initially tabled, Canadians rightly were focused on the big picture: the fact that the government's fiscal plan fudges the numbers and still contains the largest deficit in this nation's history outside the COVID period. Taxpayers have spent more and gotten less in the last 10 years under the Liberals, and that is not changing under the , who is running a record-smashing, $78-billion deficit and is still leaving Canadians less able to afford basic essentials.
This is the big picture, but today, as Parliament begins debate on the budget implementation act, I want to use this critical opportunity to expose the designs hidden deeper within the budget. I want to talk about jobs, the dignity of work, the esteem we have for different kinds of workers, and the harm that the budget will do to critical sectors of our economy. Before I get into those details, I want to talk about a philosophy of work, because policy, intentionally or not, always must reflect some philosophy.
I believe that all work done by human beings has a special kind of dignity. This is the consequence of a more foundational belief in the universal dignity of human persons. If we understand human beings as having inherent rights and inherent dignity, then we are led from there to the conclusion that the work done by human beings has a special kind of dignity as well because it involves the commitment and effort of a human person.
If a human person is giving a speech, fixing a car, performing a surgery or cleaning a bathroom, in each case that person brings themselves into that activity, with their creativity, effort, desire for excellence, and humanity. Work has dignity, therefore, not because of the nature of the activity specifically but because it is done by a human person and because it expresses the desire of that person to contribute and to create a better world through their work. Therefore everyone who works can and should take pride in the work they do, as long as they are bringing the fullness of themselves and their human dignity into the work they are doing as the creator or co-creator of some new reality.
This is a clear, coherent and necessary philosophy of work. When done with pride and commitment, work generates all kinds of personal benefits. Work is much more than a means to earn wages; it is the means by which so many people contribute to their communities, create new things, demonstrate their proficiency and creativity, build community and support the people they love. This philosophy of work is understood intuitively by many working people across this country and around the world.
Sadly, however, many modern elites implicitly or explicitly reject this philosophy of work. Instead of valuing all human work, many of our elites have come to esteem different kinds of human work differently, based on self-interested class prejudice. The rampant existence of profession prejudice, prejudice that values different kinds of work differently and that treats people differently based on the jobs they do, has been deeply harmful to our society and to our economy.
Profession prejudice has led authority figures to steer young people towards university to get a good job, even if they are much better suited to and could make more money working in the trades. Authority figures often have an unconscious bias towards their own chosen path, thinking that the road to dignity and meaning necessarily involves following the path they followed. Creating a more equal society does not mean sending everyone to university; it means recognizing the dignity of every person regardless of the work they do.
Profession prejudice has given us profound skill mismatches. It has given us people pursuing programs of study deemed to be more prestigious and more likely to signal their worth to elite society, but then those same people are finding out afterwards that they cannot get a job in their field. Profession prejudice leads elites to make artificial distinctions between what they think are jobs of the future and what they think are jobs of the past, often denigrating physical work and work in resource development. Most often, these predictions about such things turn out to be way off the mark in terms of what is the future and what is the past, yet impressionable young people are often fooled into absorbing these predictions into their own career planning.
The result of all this has been profound mismatches in our labour market: high unemployment coexisting with labour shortages, especially labour shortages in areas where well-paying, secure jobs nonetheless lack the arbitrary social esteem dispensed inconsistently by elites and elite institutions.
Conservatives are committed to fighting profession prejudice, and we will defend a philosophy of work that emphasizes universal human dignity and the universal dignity of work done by human beings.
To the young people watching, I say that when they are picking a career, they should focus on what they like to do and on what the labour market is looking for, and ignore the bad advice of disdainful elites hawking their profession prejudice.
This brings me back to the budget. At a time when many university graduates are already working outside their field of study because they were given bad advice about the needs of the labour market, and at a time when industry is desperate for workers with underappreciated but critical skills, such as those in the trades, this budget doubles down on Liberal profession prejudice and fails to make the transition to a coherent philosophy of work.
Budget 2025 puts well over $1 billion into helping university research councils try to attract foreign researchers to move to Canadian universities from other countries. Meanwhile, the budget fails to reinstate the apprenticeship grant, a clear broken promise from the Liberal 2025 election platform. Liberals promised to support apprentices, but instead, they have nothing for apprentices directly and nothing for polytechnics, where the majority of apprentices are trained. Liberals pumped an enormous amount of money into attracting foreign researchers for universities at a time when many Canadian post-secondary graduates are unemployed or working outside their field, and they could find nothing for most apprentices despite skill shortages in critical areas in the trades.
It gets worse. Budget 2025 specifically targets career colleges. It attacks what they do, and it withdraws support from students who attend them. Why would the Liberals choose now to attack career colleges? What kind of fit of elite snobbery could motivate a government to target attacks on career colleges at a time when many Canadians need the benefits of targeted vocational programs to get the skills employers are looking for?
Page 217 of the budget announces the intention of the government to make students attending private, for-profit institutions ineligible for student grants, making studies at these institutions inaccessible to many low- and middle-income students. This cut is targeting students at particular institutions, but it is not job-neutral in its implications.
There are many specific kinds of jobs where training is generally not available at public institutions. If someone wants to get a history degree, law degree or women's studies degree, they have got a lot of public institutions to choose from. However, there are many good jobs in areas where there is public and labour market demand, where it just so happens that public institutions have not offered these programs and private, for-profit institutions have filled the gap. This policy change therefore does not just affect institutions; it makes it harder for young people from low- and middle-income backgrounds to pursue studies in certain areas, and it creates critical gaps in these sectors.
This is the pernicious practical outworking of professional prejudice in policy. Let me give a few examples of professions affected by this change.
This week, I met with representatives from BeautyCouncil. It represents a wide variety of hard-working professionals who cut hair, do makeup and generally help others look good. They have got a harder task in some cases than in others. I know how hard these folks work. My barber actually follows me on social media, and when my hair gets too long, he messages me and tells me it is time to come in. He is a great guy.
These are proud professionals, and they benefit from being able to afford good training that often happens to come from private, for-profit institutions. This budget makes it harder for people to access those professions. One can say what they like about Justin Trudeau, but at least he would have known never to attack the beauty industry.
Another profession attacked by budget 2025 is traditional Chinese medicine practitioners. Because this budget proposes to cut student grants for private, for-profit institutions, most students studying acupuncture and other forms of traditional Chinese medicine, and many students studying other kinds of health disciplines, such as chiropractors and massage therapists, would be cut off from financial support.
Many people in and outside the Chinese community want to access various kinds of traditional Chinese medicine practitioners and should be able to do so. This is a good job, and it reflects the dignity of work and the breadth and beauty of Canadian multiculturalism. However, Liberals are making a choice to propose a policy that would make it more difficult for young people to pursue studies in traditional Chinese medicine, especially given the duration of study required.
Why are Liberals attacking Chinese medicine? Why are subsidies available for any university program, no matter how irrelevant they are to the labour market, while they are being withdrawn from in-demand vocational programs that happen to be offered at private institutions? Conservatives recommended the opposite approach. We recommended an alignment between the needs of our labour market and the level of student grants, recognizing the universal dignity of all work and the potential of student grants to help magnify market signals. This is the more hidden agenda of the budget: an attack on vocational programs and on in-demand jobs by a government drowning in profession prejudice and elite snobbery.
I move:
That the motion be amended by deleting all the words after the word “That” and substituting the following:
“the House decline to give second reading to Bill C-15, An Act to implement certain provisions of the budget tabled in Parliament on November 4, 2025, since the bill fails to:
(a) implement a budget so Canadians can have an affordable life;
(b) consider that every dollar the Liberal Government spends comes out of the pockets of Canadians in the form of higher taxes and inflation;
(c) bring down the deficit to the level Liberals promised in their last fiscal update, which promised $42 billion last year;
(d) scrap hidden taxes on food, including the industrial carbon tax on farmers, the food packaging tax that adds billions in costs, and the fuel standard tax that adds 17 cents per litre to diesel and gasoline for farmers;
(e) end the inflation tax by bringing down the cost of government instead of printing money to pay Liberal bills; and
(f) include a plan for any oil and gas pipelines that would strengthen our nation's economy and get our resources to market.”
:
Mr. Speaker, it is always an honour for me to rise in the House to represent the residents of my riding of Drummond.
I do not know of any parent, any father or any mother, who would boast about feeding two of their children while leaving the other three to go hungry. That, however, is exactly what the Liberals are doing with this budget.
Let us start with the media. An amount of $150 million is earmarked for CBC/Radio-Canada. To be clear, I am pleased that the government is supporting CBC/Radio-Canada. I have also strongly advocated, for longer than the minister has, for a review of CBC/Radio-Canada's funding model. For a long time now, I have said that Canada should be more closely aligned with other countries that also have a public broadcaster. For a long time now, I have felt that $33 per Canadian per year to fund a public broadcaster with a territory the size of the one that CBC/Radio-Canada has to cover is peanuts.
Our public broadcaster was forced to look to revenue sources such as advertising and subscription fees, which meant it had to compete with private broadcasters. That worked for many years. The market thrived, and everything was great. One day, however, the American digital giants came along and soon dominated the market, as we have seen in recent years.
The result is that private broadcasters, who were in good shape until quite recently, are now in jeopardy. It has reached a point where massive job cuts keep happening in regions of Quebec and, no doubt, all across Canada as well, because there is no concern for the problems faced by private broadcasters.
Some extremely simple solutions were available, but the $150 million for CBC/Radio-Canada was nothing more than an expensive Liberal election promise to counter the Conservatives' spring election campaign rhetoric calling for a straight-up cut of the CBC's funding. If the Liberals had truly wanted to help the media, they would not have handed $150 million to CBC/Radio-Canada just like that, with a promise to talk about it again next year. They would instead have proposed a comprehensive review of our public broadcaster's mandate.
This is what we are asking for. This is what is required. This is what the previous Canadian heritage minister, Ms. St-Onge, proposed, with intelligent and thoughtful solutions that the current and government have not even considered. A comprehensive review would have included an evaluation of CBC/Radio-Canada's current funding, and would also have sought to partially or totally free the public broadcaster from its reliance on advertising and subscription fees by providing funding that would support the level of service expected from a public broadcaster. In time, this would have opened up the advertising and subscription market to private broadcasters.
I am talking about really simple measures that the government could have taken to help news media, including measures that are all too familiar to the government because it has heard about them for years from the Bloc Québécois and through testimony from media companies during their many appearances on Parliament Hill. For instance, electronic media, radio and television newsrooms could be offered the same payroll tax credit for journalists and newsrooms as the payroll tax credit offered to print media and newspapers. That is not something that will affect taxpayers' pocketbooks. This is something that will give news companies, radio, Cogeco, Québecor, Bell, and so forth a big break and ease their financial burden. News production is costly and yields limited profits, and yet it is essential. We have to keep that in mind. The Liberals would have done that if they were really serious about helping the media. They would have implemented this measure, which is readily available and simple, and it would not have had any impact on the budget, which already delivers a historic deficit.
Another gesture of goodwill from the Liberals would have been to abolish the silly tax deduction for ad purchases from American companies. Advertisers that buy ads from web giants online get a tax deduction. That is ridiculous. Simply removing that option would give our local and regional media a bit more breathing room.
Clearly, the Liberals do not care one iota about private broadcasters. They have easy solutions right in front of them, and yet we have an industry that is in crisis and that has been making submissions and sounding the alarm non-stop. Radio stations are shutting down and there are layoffs in the regions, as happened with TVA. My colleague from can speak to that later. TVA cut 87 jobs in the regions just a few days ago. Now we have a budget that will not do anything for regional radio and the jobs they provide.
The government cannot claim to be concerned about regional and private media with a budget like this one, which offers nothing to help them deal with their current crisis. This sends a message that the government simply does not care about them.
Let us talk a bit about culture. On a more positive note, I am really pleased to see that this budget earmarks money for certain cultural sectors. The minister says with great pride that this is a record budget for culture, with a $760-million investment in culture. That is a big number, a number to brag about and be proud of. I am happy for our audiovisual industry, as it truly needed this. It is true that funding was included for various sectors, such as for major festivals and events. That is true.
However, we would have preferred to see permanent enhancements, a permanent increase in funding. We would have preferred that over another round of one-time payments, but at least there is some money coming in. Of course, when a person is starving and someone throws them a crust of bread, they are not going to turn their nose up at it. If the government had been serious, it would have offered the permanent boost in funding that the cultural sector was asking for. That is what we would have liked to see.
This will nevertheless be good for the audiovisual industry. It is important for us to be able to produce Canadian stories, with quality productions, eventually exporting them and increasing the return on investment, and in the process gaining recognition around the world with the tools we have now for sharing our culture. I am satisfied with that. However, as I said at the start of my speech, we cannot be proud of feeding only part of our family. When one has responsibilities, one must make sure no one is left behind.
The performing arts such as dance, theatre and orchestral music needed to see an increase in funding for the Canada Council for the Arts. The need was clear, it was great, it had long been expressed, it was known. The Canada Council for the Arts budget needed to be increased by $140 million in order to meet this demand, a demand that is growing, because costs have exploded, there are more applicants, and there are people who have ideas for productions that would be of interest to the public.
Despite a well-supported request for a $140-million funding increase to the Canada Council for the Arts, the government thought that a $6-million increase would satisfy them. I would remind members that while this was happening, they gave Radio-Canada, which had already prepared its budget and presented its five-year plan, $150 million. The Canada Council for the Arts will be getting only $6 million, and the government expects that will satisfy theatre companies.
The direct consequence of that is that smaller productions will be shelved. These productions offer a platform for discovering fresh content and emerging artists who might not have access to major theatres, as they often present content that leans toward the unconventional, but is nevertheless deeply compelling. These artists, these emerging productions, shape the future of performing arts, particularly in theatre and dance, as I mentioned earlier. That is negligence, as these productions will literally disappear because the government did not provide adequate funding.
The Bloc Québécois had a good solution, and the solution is still on the table. The digital services tax can be converted into a 3% levy that would be exclusively invested in the cultural and media sector. This would generate $7 billion over five years, or $1.5 billion a year. This type of measure would solve many issues. It would not hurt taxpayers because the money would come from digital giants. The government keeps saying no to that. It is a great idea, but the government says it will not implement it just because it did not think of it first.
I am going to conclude on a lighter note by saying from the outset that I have a deep affection for the Scottish people. I have visited Scotland and I got to know its people. I have friends there and I love them, and so I beg them to forgive me for this bit of humour as I finish my speech. The French comedian Jacques Bodoin was talking about his trip to Scotland where he was asked to try haggis, Scotland's national dish. I will leave it to members to do their own research if they want to know more about the ingredients that go into the dish. At the end of the meal, Mr. Bodoin was asked what he thought about the dish, and he responded that at first, when the dish was brought to the table, he thought that it was, and I quote, a turd, but after tasting it, he wished it had been one.
This budget is like haggis.
:
Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to rise today to take part in this historic debate. The title of this budget is “Canada Strong”. Let me tell the House what I really think about it.
Let us be clear: The budget tabled by this government is, in my opinion, an absolute sham. It contains a record deficit of $78 billion dressed up with some creative accounting in an attempt to make $45 billion in fictional investments look like actual spending. This 's track record in his first year is not looking good. He is doubling the deficit left by his predecessor. Like many other members, I would never have dreamed that anyone could make Justin Trudeau look frugal.
The Bloc Québécois had put forward six reasonable budget requests firmly rooted in the needs of our communities. We wanted the government to take care of people, support seniors, increase health transfers, maintain infrastructure, facilitate access to housing, and support families and workers more. There was nothing excessive about what we were asking; these are simply things the government should be doing to meet the basic needs of Quebeckers. However, Ottawa said “no” to all of this.
This government not only ignored our priorities, but it also gave up the fight against climate change by abandoning the 2030 targets, by breaking a promise that Justin Trudeau had made with great fanfare to plant two billion trees, and by extending the tax credits for oil and gas companies until 2040, at a cost of $100 billion. However, the government has no money to take care of the most vulnerable people who are struggling right now. I hope they are tuning in today, and I want to say hello to them.
At first glance, I would say that this budget seems a little conservative. I never thought I would say such thing. We are seeing Conservatives crossing the floor to join the Liberal Party. They are not just crossing the floor because the lunch is better on the other side. They are doing it because the budget has some good things in it that align strongly with the Conservative ideology. It does not matter what party is in power, because the budget does not meet the needs and priorities of Quebeckers.
Let us now turn to Bill , which attempts to conceal some of the most troubling measures we have seen in recent years in its 650 pages amending 49 different acts. First, it allocates billions of dollars to introducing new grants for fossil fuels, extending the carbon capture tax credit until 2041—the “new fossil fuel fig leaf”, I call it—adding small nuclear reactors to supply heat for bitumen extraction, and opening the door to letting liquefied natural gas qualify for a tax credit that was not designed for such a thing. The government is sending a clear message today that the energy transition can wait, but oil subsidies cannot.
While Quebec is investing in hydroelectricity, wind power, biomass, clean innovations and smart grids, Ottawa is funding yesterday's energy sources. Quebec is making efforts to move forward with a transition, while Ottawa is funding things that set us back.
I am a proud member from the Lower St. Lawrence. I represent the people of Rimouski-Neigette, La Mitis, Matapédia, and Les Basques with dignity and pride. I want to say hello to them. These are strong and united communities with deep roots in their region. However, nothing in this budget or in Bill truly reflects our realities and priorities. Some of our regional media outlets are floundering. Our infrastructure is aging. There is a housing shortage going on everywhere, from big cities to villages. Our businesses are facing a labour shortage. Our cultural, community and science organizations are struggling to stay afloat. Bill C‑15 makes no mention of the Lower St. Lawrence or the people I represent. In our region, this is not merely a theoretical issue; it is a daily reality.
Just last week, TVA announced more job cuts at the Rimouski station, which went from 30 employees to only eight at present. There is only one camera operator to cover a huge geographic area. There used to be three, but from now on, the journalists will also handle filming. A total of 87 positions have been eliminated in Montreal, Sherbrooke, Trois-Rivières, Saguenay and Rimouski, in my riding. A total of 28 jobs were lost in the regions, and approximately 800 have been lost since 2023. This is not just an economic issue; it is an issue of democracy.
When regional news outlets shut down, our realities, our voices and our municipalities vanish from the public discourse. Instead of helping our media outlets, what did the government do? It abolished the digital services tax, a 3% tax on web giants, which would have brought in $7.2 billion. The Bloc Québecois did not cancel this tax. The Liberals did. They had acknowledged the need for this tax and laid the groundwork. They were scheduled to implement it in July.
Other countries stood their ground. France stood up to Donald Trump, and so did Italy, Spain, and the U.K. Ottawa caved in. By repealing the act, the government deprived itself of strong leverage it could have used in the trade negotiations with Washington. To make matters worse, it is refusing to extend the print media tax credit to electronic media. This is a simple but urgent measure. Ottawa is turning its back on regional news, and our communities are paying the price.
The problems do not end there. Clause 208 of Bill allows a minister to exempt any company from the application of any federal law, except the Criminal Code, for three years, without vote, without debate, without guardrails. This is a power that should never exist in a democracy. Bill is Bill on steroids.
Ottawa has created a new housing agency called Build Canada Homes with a budget of $11.5 billion. Its French name is “Maisons Canada”, but it started out as “Bâtir Maisons Canada”. No one knows what to call this program anymore. It reminds me of the song Une main haute and some of the election campaign speeches. When they are not messing around with program names, they mess around with songs. This Liberal government just makes it up as it goes along.
There are no criteria, no plan, no accountability and, worst of all, no agreement with the Quebec government. This means needless overlap from a parallel federal structure encroaching directly on our jurisdiction. In Quebec, we are not better or worse; we are just different. We have the Société d'habitation du Québec. We did not wait for the federal government to build homes. We took charge ourselves because we believe in our potential, our vision and, above all, our ambitions.
I am going to switch gears now and talk about the clean electricity tax credit. It will benefit oil companies, but mostly, it will benefit the oil- and gas-producing provinces. The credit covers 15% of investments, even in provinces where electricity comes from coal or gas. Contrary to what the government promised, Crown corporations will not even have to demonstrate that the money is reducing costs for consumers. It is a handout in disguise. The government is giving money to corporations that can do with it as they please. No one is even going to check whether it is good for the public. Forget about accountability. Once again, who is paying for this? It is Quebec that is paying, while others cash in at our expense.
It is like the $814 million that the Liberals stole from us. What a nice gift to hand out in the middle of an election on the backs of Quebeckers. We get punished because we are different. We get punished because we are innovators. That is the federal government all over. The federalist parties team up and walk all over us, and we see proof of that again today. We have seen it happen countless times since the Quebec nation came into existence.
There is another issue that we have reason to be up in arms about, and that is the much-talked-about high-speed rail project. The government is unilaterally taking control of this infrastructure project. In the omnibus Bill , the government invokes its declaratory power to make the Quebec-Ontario high-speed rail project an area of exclusive federal jurisdiction. That is a direct infringement on Quebec's jurisdiction. It sets a dangerous precedent that should concern anyone who cares about respect for the division of powers. I hope my Conservative colleagues are listening to this. They respect provincial autonomy, but only when it suits them.
Quebec is doing its part and investing in the future, but Ottawa continues to insist on funding the past: oil companies, federal megastructures and web giants. Bill C‑15 does not respond to any of Quebec's priorities. It ignores our needs and weakens our regions. What is more, it infringes on our jurisdictions and diverts our resources to yesterday's industries.
That is why the Bloc Québécois will vote against this bill. Quebec deserves better and so do our regions. The people that I am proud to represent, the people of Rimouski‑Neigette, La Mitis, La Matapédia and Les Basques, deserve a government that will finally make them the focus of its decisions.
:
Mr. Speaker, I am proud to rise today to speak in support of Bill . It is a financial plan that would deliver meaningful results for Canadians and real progress for Islanders, especially those living in eastern Prince Edward Island, where my riding is located.
The budget builds on the work that our rural, Atlantic and national caucus teams have championed, with investments that strengthen rural communities, support our fishers and farmers, modernize our infrastructure and make life more affordable for families. It is a plan rooted in fairness, opportunity and resilience, values that define both the country and our island way of life.
We introduced a tax cut to lower the first bracket from 15% to 14%, to save nearly 22 million Canadians up to $840 for a two-income family. The budget also cancelled the federal consumer carbon tax, effective April 1, 2025, immediately lowering fuel costs by about 18¢ a litre. For first-time homebuyers, the budget offers GST relief on new homes. This will make it easier for young Islanders to put down roots and build their future in our communities.
I will be sharing my time with the member for today.
Budget 2025 also modernizes our system of delivering support to Canadians. In 2026, the Canada Revenue Agency will start preparing prefilled tax returns for about one million low-income Canadians. Once this is fully implemented, by 2029, over 5.5 million low-income Canadians will receive federal benefits automatically. This will mean a lot to seniors, students and low-income workers in P.E.I. They will not miss out on tax benefits simply because they did not file a tax return.
For island families with school-aged children, the budget makes the national school food program permanent. The program will save families an average of $800 per year on groceries. It will ensure that no child, not in Souris, not in Montague, not in Mount Stewart, goes to school hungry. The program utilizes help from local island restaurants to deliver meals. Roughly 52% of the food is prepared by local restaurants, and 48% of the meals are produced by program hubs across the island. I commend all the volunteers who manage the nutritious food program.
The budget also recognizes the workers who hold up our communities. The new personal support worker tax credit would provide up to $1,100 per year to eligible PSWs. This is a significant show of support for those caring for others in our communities.
The budget also introduces a national anti-fraud strategy, with a particular focus on protecting seniors, who are often the most vulnerable to scams and financial abuse. From stronger enforcement to improved public awareness tools, this initiative will help protect the life savings and financial security of island seniors, who have already contributed so much to our communities.
For our youth, $1.5 billion is invested over three years to expand the Canada summer jobs and student work placement programs to 175,000 positions. This is 45,000 more than the previous year, supporting young islanders and Canadians to gain valuable work experience near their homes.
Housing affordability is one of the most defining challenges of our time, and rural Atlantic communities feel it deeply. That is why the budget launched Build Canada Homes, an $11.5-billion investment in new funding over five years. Build Canada Homes will drive the development of affordable housing, provide flexible financial tools and mobilize the construction sector. Budget 2025 also commits to indigenous housing and infrastructure for first nations.
I would like to highlight the apartment construction loan program announcement in August. The program is already supporting new builds in eastern P.E.I. I was proud to host the housing and infrastructure round table in Stratford with the , where island builders, municipal leaders and non-profits discussed innovations, barriers and opportunities to accelerate construction in P.E.I.
To meet the growing demand for workers in construction, housing, energy and transportation, we must build stronger apprenticeship pathways. That is why budget 2025 would continue the government's work to expand skilled trades training, strengthen apprenticeship supports and help more young people enter Red Seal and construction careers. Islanders know the demand is here. Housing projects, infrastructure builds, new community facilities and clean energy initiatives all require a skilled workforce. The message is clear: Islanders want to build, and the budget would give them the support to do it.
Rural infrastructure is the foundation of strong communities. Budget 2025 would establish the build communities strong fund, with $51 billion over 10 years. This is one of the largest infrastructure investments in Canadian history. Of this, $5 billion would be dedicated to the health infrastructure fund, which is essential for modernizing hospitals and clinics across the region.
Budget 2025 lists support for one particular project in my riding: the SeaRoots Alliance wellness centre in Souris. It is a transformative community-led project that would improve the well-being of families across eastern P.E.I. and would support the next generation of community builders. Other key community projects in my riding that I hope will gain support through this program are the Stratford community campus, the TCAP Family Aquatic and Fitness Center in Montague and the replacement of the Kings County Memorial Hospital, which dates back to the 1970s.
Within this beautiful and sustainable environment of eastern P.E.I., the economy is powered by the sea and the soil. The budget recognizes our rural industries and would support them during a time of global uncertainty. Starting in the 2024-25 fiscal year, there was $463 million dedicated to repairs and maintenance of small crafts and harbours. There would be $109 million for the AgriStability program in 2025-26, and we have pledged $75 million over five years for AgriMarketing, to help island food products reach new markets.
Diversification is essential. We are actively expanding new trade corridors and markets so that island agriculture and seafood can reach global customers in Asia, Europe and beyond. Islanders produce world-class food. We are Canada's food island. Through Farm Credit Canada, the new trade disruption customer support program would provide $1 billion in new lending to help farmers and food processors weather global instability. These investments build on decisions made in July by our to cut Confederation Bridge tolls from over $50 to $20 and reduce the Atlantic ferry costs by 50%. Did members know that 400,000 passengers used the Wood Islands-Pictou ferry in 2025? Since fares were reduced last August, passenger volumes have increased by over 25%, providing a major boost for tourism and small businesses throughout eastern P.E.I.
Budget 2025 would invest $6.6 billion over five years to strengthen Canada's defence manufacturing base through the defence industrial strategy, creating new economic opportunities in Atlantic Canada. For those who have served, Veterans Affairs Canada, located in Charlottetown, would receive $185 million over four years plus $40 million ongoing to streamline disability benefits and modernize service delivery so that veterans receive the support they deserve.
Budget 2025 would also invest $4 million over four years to support National Acadian Day and $20 million over four years to enhance Canada Day celebrations nationwide. In a province with deep Acadian roots and proud traditions, these investments would help celebrate the culture and identity that bind us together.
None of this happened by accident. The budget reflects the relentless advocacy of our Atlantic caucus, which ensured that rural voices were not only heard but acted upon. We secured investments in housing and health care. We defended the interests of farmers and fishers. We pushed for relief for families and seniors. We championed the infrastructure for rural and coastal communities. For Islanders, especially in eastern P.E.I., this budget would mean better connectivity, stronger communities and a brighter future.
Islanders have always believed in hard work, fairness and looking out for one another. Budget 2025 reflects those same values.
:
Mr. Speaker, this afternoon I am hoping to be able to address what I believe are three or four really important issues.
The first is the issue of health care. I believe that the 's and the government's commitment to health care meets the needs Canadians have from their federal government. There are things within the budget that show we understand and appreciate, as a national government, the importance Canadians put on health care.
Let me give a couple of tangible examples. One is that there is a $5-billion commitment over a number of years for capital infrastructure. That means a great deal when we think of, for example, capital expenditures in different jurisdictions. I for one think of Seven Oaks General Hospital.
The commitment provides a pot of money that is going to assist provinces in building our health care infrastructure, which includes hospitals. For me, that is a priority, whether it is upgrading emergency services or intensive care units, or just having a hospital, period. I believe that capital infrastructure for health care is noteworthy.
I also want to recognize that the budget reinforces the importance of, and the commitment from the Government of Canada to, ensuring that we continue to have a dental care program and a pharmacare program. We also have a 5% increase to the equalization commitment over the next number of years so provinces have a sense of how much is coming through things like the health care transfers. There is a significant block of money, going into billions of dollars, to emphasize the importance of mental health and to emphasize the importance of long-term home care services.
These are the types of things that I know the constituents I represent and, I would ultimately argue, all Canadians, have an interest in, and the budget and the bill would be delivering on that.
On the issue of crime, another important issue I have attempted to raise on numerous occasions, I look to the Conservatives. We have a pledge from the of Canada, through the last election, to deliver on bail reform for Canadians. The federal government does have a role to play in this. All levels of government have to deal with the crime taking place in our communities, and the federal government needs to step up. The Prime Minister and the Liberal caucus have done just that, and we are looking to the Conservatives to look at the legislation before them, in particular Bill and Bill .
In the last couple of days, the Conservatives have talked a lot about extortion, but that is all it has been: talk. We want the Conservative Party of Canada to ensure that Bill and Bill pass the House of Commons, especially Bill C-14, which deals specifically with bail reform legislation and has the support of law enforcement agencies, municipalities, provinces and all the other stakeholders. It is time for the Conservatives to stop talking about it and serving their own political interests, and for them to get the legislation passed before the end of the year.
Another issue I want to spend time on is one that the and every Liberal member of Parliament have recognized as the primary one coming out of the election: the issue of Trump, trade and tariffs. As a nation, we need to recognize the value of economic security into the future, and the best way we can achieve that is to increase exports beyond the U.S. border. The government today is committed to doubling our exports outside the U.S.A. in the next 10 years, and that is the reason the Prime Minister is travelling and is meeting with world leaders to talk about Canada's wanting to expand its trade.
Let us take a look at the hard numbers. Canada's population makes up 0.5% of the world's population, but we contribute to 2.5% of world trade. Canada is a trading nation. Never before have we had such a proactive prime minister in searching out trade opportunities with a mission to build Canada strong and to look at ways in which we can actually double our exports in the next 10 years. That means jobs, which are so critically important when we talk about affordability. We want good-quality, middle-class jobs.
The is committed to travelling the world in order to increase exports. That is something that follows the commitment he made to bring in one Canadian economy so we can take down trade barriers within Canada. Then we brought in legislation to that effect, and we piled on to that the idea of getting major projects approved here in Canada. There has been significant movement in that area, not only in taking down trade barriers but also in looking at labour mobility in Canada, in dealing with major projects and in building a consensus.
That is what is critically important: building a consensus in developing major projects. Whether it is LNG in B.C., copper in Saskatchewan, nuclear power in Ontario or the advancement of major projects in Atlantic Canada and in my home province of Manitoba, in particular, the port of Churchill, these are initiatives that will make a difference for Canadians, all with the idea of building Canada strong.
How we build Canada strong, making it the strongest of the G7 countries, is by being prepared to invest in Canadians and in Canada's infrastructure. That is exactly what the current budget does, and that is why it was disheartening and disappointing to see the unholy coalition of the Bloc and the Conservatives voting against the budget that provides the type of programming Canadians need at this time. I hope they will revisit it; they can do that by looking at Bill and supporting it as good, sound budgetary legislation, because it will make a difference for every region of our country.
We are investing in children and in supporting seniors. We are investing in apprenticeship programs and in supporting summer youth programs. There is a great deal in the budget, investing in real people in all regions, while at the same time investing in Canada's infrastructure. This is absolutely critical in terms of building Canada strong.
The has an incredible background, an economic background. He understands how an economy works. The Liberal caucus is highly motivated to do exactly what we told Canadians we would do: build a stronger, healthier economy.
With respect to the trade agreement with the United States, we are not going to settle because the is jumping up like a jelly bean, saying that we want a trade agreement. We are not going to capitulate. We are going to take the time necessary in order to get the best possible deal for Canadians. If that takes more time, we will take the time, because getting the right deal for Canadians is our priority when it comes to the Canada-U.S. agreement.
On the issue of the deficit, I would point out that we have the second-lowest deficit-to-GDP ratio in the G7. We have the lowest debt-to-GDP ratio in the G7. We are one of two countries in the G7, which includes Japan, France, Germany, Italy, the U. K. and the U.S.A., that actually has a AAA credit.
We are on the right track. Everyone should get behind the legislation. They should get behind the budget and vote for it.
:
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to share my time with my dear colleague from .
It is always very interesting and very important to rise in the House, especially during the budget debate, because as we know, the tabling of the budget is a crucial moment in the history of any parliament.
I have received a lot of comments and talked a lot with people in Bellechasse—Les Etchemins—Lévis. I will not be telling members anything new when I say that my constituents are extremely worried. They have concerns, and they are also disappointed by what the Liberal government has presented. The only new thing about this government is the name of the . Everyone can see that it is the same government using the same approach, with the same people who were there under Mr. Trudeau.
The dynamic is still the same as it was during the past 10 years of out-of-control spending and not being able to table a balanced budget. Quite frankly, given the context and the situation Canada is in right now, the Conservative members were keeping an open mind and were paying very close attention. We were also worried about the current geopolitical situation, and we still are. We were eager to see what the current government was going to table.
All I can say is that what was tabled is totally contradictory and incompatible with the Conservatives' DNA, which is why we could not support this budget. I personally find it troubling that the members opposite did not rely on the wisdom of the member for , currently the parliamentary secretary to the Minister of Industry. He is one of my former colleagues from when I was in the Quebec cabinet. He once said that a balanced budget is a way to establish the government's credibility and financial stability.
Perhaps he should have been the one preparing the budget that was just tabled in the House. As members will recall, this budget was 18 months overdue. Canada was flying blind because it did not have a budget. The Liberals have used big adjectives to describe this budget, including the word “generational”. I would say that the only generational thing about this budget is the debt it places on our children's shoulders.
I want to talk about the deficit. The member for said that the Liberals did what they said they would do. That is false. That is completely false. They said the deficit would be $40 billion. That was under the former finance minister, Ms. Freeland.
During the election campaign, they announced that the deficit would be $62 billion. Even that was unacceptable to us. Now they have tabled a budget with a $78‑billion deficit. That is an extra $16 billion. Can someone explain to me how we got to this point? That is not all. They are tabling a budget with $90 billion in new spending. Does anyone know how much that represents per family? That is an additional $5,400 per household.
This government's reflex to constantly spend money it does not have is detestable. In contrast, we Conservatives always remember where the government's money comes from. It comes from taxpayers' pockets.
If Mr. Trudeau's Liberals had not spent money like it grows on trees, we would have money right now, money that could be allocated to national defence to keep our country safe. A member asked a question earlier: Is it possible to spend more than Mr. Trudeau's government did? We never thought we would be able answer yes, but it is possible and it is happening now.
Now let us talk about the debt. Those of us on this side of the House are very concerned about the debt, as are our constituents. We hear a lot about it in our ridings. Under the Liberals, the debt has more than doubled. It went from $687 billion to $1.35 trillion. I do not even know how many zeroes that is. It is a very big number; it is huge. That is our current debt.
Debt servicing is a simple concept. It is the interest we pay on money we borrow. We certainly are borrowing a lot these days, because Canada is spending like there is no tomorrow. Debt servicing costs $50 billion. Believe it or not, that is more than the provincial health transfers.
Earlier on, the member for was yelling about health care services and infrastructure. He said that his government was going to make investments. The $60 billion that will be spent on servicing the debt in 2026-27, which is just a few weeks away, is money that will not be spent on health care. It is money that will not be spent on services for Canadians. It is $60 billion flung out the window. That is more money than the provinces receive in health transfers. It is more than all of us combined pay in GST.
Every time we go to the pharmacy or buy a pair of winter boots, we pay GST. Every dollar of that is going toward paying down the debt. From the moment they let out their first cry, every newborn owes $30,000 in debt servicing charges. That is today's reality; it is as simple as that. The Liberals are the ones who got us into this mess. They spent money they did not have. For 10 years, they spent like there was no tomorrow.
One would have thought that the member for , who is a conscientious Liberal member, could have influenced the . They did not listen to common sense. They did not listen to the people. That is how they operate. Today, we are left without one penny to defend our borders. On top of that, they have to borrow on the markets at exorbitant rates.
Despite the criticism, the Liberals have convinced themselves that everything is fine, that life is beautiful, and that everyone is in a good mood. That is not true. The criticism against them is unanimous, whether it comes from the English-language press or the French-language press, from Fitch Ratings or the Parliamentary Budget Officer. Is there anyone in this country more credible than that? Fitch Ratings in New York said that Canada's financial situation is poor, that the overspending is too high, and that it is not certain if it can maintain the current rating. The Liberal member spoke earlier about the AAA rating. Honestly, that is laughable; it is impossible. That is not coming from me; it is coming from the rating agencies. The Parliamentary Budget Officer told the truth so much that they started writing a job posting to replace him, because he is not on their side. Is that true or false?
We on this side of the House are disappointed. We are the voices of our communities. The Conservatives are not the only ones on our side. There are also people who think critically and who are able to provide important and credible analysis. These people are telling us that this makes no sense. That is why we did not vote in favour of this budget.
:
Mr. Speaker, I apologize.
How does the spend more and invest less? Even Justin Trudeau, in his last budget, projected his deficit for that year would be $39.8 billion. He ended up spending $61.8 billion just before leaving.
The led us to believe that it would be easy to do, and many believed that based on the out-of-control spending of Justin Trudeau. How could the Prime Minister make any mistake by reducing the budget? We all knew that Trudeau was an out-of-control spender. We knew the government was an out-of-control spending government, so we thought that it would be a relatively easy task. However, as we have all seen, the deficit will be $78.3 billion, and we have learned that it is likely to be worse. We have seen that over and again with the Liberals. It is a major broken promise and not a good sign considering that promises were made just a few short months ago.
The broke even more of the promises he made just months ago. Do members remember the fiscal anchors he was going to adhere to? The fiscal anchor that he promised during the election he would adhere to was the debt-to-GDP ratio, but he raising it. He promised to spend less, but he is spending $94 billion more, which is costing each household another $5,400 per year.
If $78 billion in deficit spending is not bad enough, the is also padding the number to hide operational spending as capital spending. This is from the Parliamentary Budget Officer's recent report. His new definition of capital spending “is overly expansive” and “expands beyond the current treatment in the Public Accounts and international practice based on the System of National Accounts (SNA), such as that adopted by the United Kingdom”.
After using a more accepted definition, the PBO found that capital investment spending was 30% lower than the Liberals claimed. That is where the $94-billion amount comes from. It is a $94-billion difference. Even the promises the made are false. In other words, his investments are much lower than he promised, $94 billion less.
Furthermore, the PBO found that the will not even balance the operational budget over the next five years. It is another fiscal anchor abandoned by the Prime Minister. That is a lot of broken promises in a few short months, and that is after he abandoned the Liberals' previous fiscal anchor of reducing the federal debt-to-GDP ratio. The PBO found that the debt-to-GDP ratio will be even higher than in the last economic update and that Canada “is no longer projected to be on a declining path over the medium term.”
It is a scary direction we are headed in. The PBO had previously warned in September that Canadians could be paying more for debt if the Liberals tried to change accounting standards. We know they have.
In the Financial Post on November 18, two days ago, was this article: “PBO calling out the federal government's fiscal approach should raise red flags for all of us”. Indeed it should. It states:
[The] Prime Minister...promised a new budgeting framework during the Liberal Party leadership campaign when he said he would separate the federal budget into an “operating budget” and a “capital budget,” with the operating budget being balanced within three years [total].
Tricks such as this are a blatant attempt to baffle people by transferring many day-to-day expenditures from an overall budget to a capital budget and crow that you are “investing.” The key to making it work is to ensure that the definition of capital is so broad that you can transfer amounts easily into the capital budget.
Again, if members and Canadians out there do not want to take my word for it, they can take the Parliamentary Budget Officer's word.
I think Canadians are wondering what the cost is to them, because they hear big numbers, billions and trillions. What is the true cost of the right out of the gate? He will add $321.7 billion in new money to the federal debt over the next five years.
An hon. member: Unbelievable.
Bob Zimmer: Mr. Speaker, it is unbelievable, as my colleague just said.
It is more than twice the $154.4 billion that Justin Trudeau would have added over the same period. Do members remember the quote at the start, that the was going to be better than Justin Trudeau? Well, here we are.
This budget adds another $10 million to our debt every hour. Under the new , federal debt is now $1.3 trillion, and interest on the debt will be $55.6 billion for 2025-26. That is more than the Canada health transfer of $54.7 billion. It is incredible. It is also more than the GST revenue the government collects across the country, which is $54.4 billion and amounts to $3,360 per Canadian household.
The said out of his own mouth that the previous prime minister was an irresponsible spender, which is why he lost his job in the first place. We saw that with an out-of-control government. Many of its members are still here, but that is why he lost his job and we all know that.
The current won under the premise that he was going to spend less and invest more than the previous prime minister. Those are some pretty significant promises he has already broken. I will say this, and I am sure the members across the way will have a problem with it: He is indeed out of control, and we definitely need a much more financially responsible prime minister. A future prime minister, I would say, is the current .
Author Kim Moody gives a great summary of the 's budget: “It's a clever performance, but, at its core, it's a deceptive trick, one that trades transparency for theatrics and leaves Canadians poorer for having believed it.” That goes out to all the people who voted for the Prime Minister. “Government spending—capital or operating—increases government debt in the same way.”
I would call on voters and Canadians out there to note this: The sold them the bill of goods that he was going to spend less and invest more. He is doing the exact opposite.
:
Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time with my amazing colleague, the hard-working member of Parliament, the hon. member for .
I appreciate the opportunity to speak in support of Bill , the budget 2025 implementation act, No. 1. Our government has been focused on bringing down costs and creating new opportunities for Canadians. The first thing we have done as a government is to cancel the divisive consumer carbon price, reducing, as a result, gas prices by approximately 18¢ per litre in most provinces and territories while strengthening industrial carbon prices so that we can continue our moral and economic duty to combat climate change. We have also cut taxes for 22 million Canadians, saving a family of two up to $840 per year.
In budget 2025, we are making generational investments in our Canadian Armed Forces, in infrastructure and in housing. We are building Canada strong. We are also creating new career opportunities for young Canadians. We are launching a youth climate corps and are providing 175,000 opportunities through Canada summer jobs, the horizontal youth employment and skills strategy and the student work placement program in 2026-27.
The bill is delivering measures to make life more affordable for Canadians. We know, for example, that the digitalization in the financial sector has brought many benefits for consumers. At the same time, we know that consumers who remain reliant on legacy financial products and services may be missing out on these benefits and getting left behind.
Access to cheque fund rules are now over a decade old and have not kept pace with cost of living increases or technological advances. That is why budget 2025 proposes to amend the Bank Act to raise the first amount of immediately available deposited cheque funds from $100 to $150. That means removing the timing distinction between funds deposited in-person and via other ways. We are reducing the number of days banks may hold deposited cheque funds, which will include raising the current value threshold of $1,500, below which shorter cheque hold periods would apply. This would also apply the changes to trust and loan companies.
Once again, Bill would make this change a reality. That is not the only way that the bill would improve financial services to help Canadians manage their money.
Consumer-driven banking refers to a secure framework that lets Canadians and businesses share their financial data with the approved service providers of their choice. This framework would give consumers greater control over their data. It would also promote a competitive and innovative financial sector that strengthens Canada's position in the global digital economy.
The goal of Canada's consumer-driven banking framework is to promote competition and innovation in the financial sector, improve financial outcomes for Canadians and ensure that consumers can share their data securely. In other countries, regulated frameworks have proven effective at achieving accessibility and supporting new financial service providers and business models.
At the same time, we know that the absence of a secure framework means that about nine million Canadians currently share their financial data by providing their confidential banking credentials in a process known as screen scraping. These consumers face increased security, liability and privacy risks, and may be left without resources if something goes wrong. Our consumer-driven banking framework will address these risks by using application programming interfaces, or APIs, a type of technology that provides a more secure communication connection between entities.
Giving Canadians greater controls over their financial data would open the door to new financial products and greater choices between providers, which would create a more dynamic financial sector and productive economy. Unlocking these new opportunities will lead to improved financial decision-making, lower costs, and more tailored products and services for consumers.
Bill will be fundamental to achieving this, as it proposes legislative changes that would complete the consumer-driven banking framework by transferring its governance to the Bank of Canada and making a legislative amendment to the Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act that would grant Canadians a right to data mobility, supporting an economy-wide approach to data sharing.
All Canadians are expected to benefit from a consumer-driven banking framework. It would promote competition and reduce risks in the financial services industry by regulating financial data sharing. For consumers, this could mean greater financial inclusion, more informed decisions and better management and reduction of financial stressors. For businesses, it could mean improved access to new forms of financing and reducing the administrative burden with better integration and automation of key functions.
Lower income and financially stressed households are expected to benefit most through access to lower-cost products, clearer choices and tools to manage debts and reduce financial stress.
What is more is this is not only the way that Bill would help Canadian financial consumers save and manage their money. Competition in the sector can also drive efficiency and support economic development and productivity, as financial institutions are driven to allocate capital to their most productive uses.
Budget 2025 and Bill build on actions our new government has already taken to make life more affordable by delivering three major tax cuts, supercharging homebuilding to increase supply and lower housing costs and introducing automatic federal benefits so that millions of Canadians receive the support they qualify for.
That is why budget 2025 and Bill C-15 merit our full support.
:
Mr. Speaker, as always, it is such a pleasure for me to rise in the House on behalf of the residents of my riding of Davenport to speak to budget 2025. This is an important budget delivered in extraordinary times.
Let us start off by being very honest about where we are. The world is more dangerous and divided, and Canada is very much facing a world that is rapidly changing and is increasingly uncertain. The rules-based international order and the trading system that powered Canada's prosperity for decades are being reshaped, which is hurting companies, displacing workers and causing major disruption and upheaval for Canadians.
In Canada, we have to focus on what we can control. Despite the headwinds, Canada has the fiscal capacity to transform our economy. This is our moment to build big, to build bold and to build now. As our said, “This budget must be generational in its ambition.... There is no place for withdrawal, ambiguity or even standing still, only for bold and swift action.”
Let me speak to one of the many items that matter to the people in my riding of Davenport.
The number one thing I hear about is jobs. People continue to be worried. Will they continue to have good-paying jobs? Will their kids coming out of school have opportunities? Without a good-paying job, no one will be able to afford a home or live a decent life.
I am very proud that this budget invests heavily in training and creating opportunities. We are providing $1.5 billion over three years to address youth unemployment, including with 100,000 Canada summer jobs, which is 30,000 more than what was given this summer, and 55,000 new work-integrated learning opportunities for students, which is 15,000 more than we were able to do this past year.
Davenport has many union construction workers, and I want to give a shout-out to LIUNA Local 183, which is the largest union for construction workers. We are so blessed to have them in our city building our city and our country. They contribute so much to our national economy.
In budget 2025, we are providing $75 million over three years to expand the union training and innovation program for apprenticeship training in the Red Seal trades. For workers who are impacted by tariffs, we have $570 million over three years for training and employment assistance, plus new workforce alliances bringing together employers, unions and industry groups. Finally, we are also launching a youth climate corps, with $40 million over two years to train young Canadians to respond to climate emergencies and strengthen community resilience.
Another big priority for Davenport is culture and the arts. Very blessedly, there are many artists in my constituency. While these times are tough and our government has had to make some hard choices, let me be very clear: Culture matters and the arts matter. During uncertain times, we stay united by sharing our stories. The arts help us interpret the world around us. The arts and culture sector contributed $65 billion to our economy in 2024.
In budget 2025, we invest $769 million over five years in arts and culture, which includes $150 million for CBC/Radio-Canada, $150 million for Telefilm Canada, $127.5 million for the Canada Media Fund, and support for festivals and performing arts. We have also introduced an artist's resale right, allowing visual artists to receive royalties when their work is resold, something the sector, including many from my constituency of Davenport, have advocated for for years.
Public safety is the third top priority for Davenport. Residents are worried about auto theft, home invasions and gun crime. I want my constituents to know that this issue is among the highest priorities of our government.
The budget provides $1.7 billion over four years to the RCMP to hire 1,000 new personnel to fight transnational organized crime, financial crimes and money laundering. We are also providing almost $700 million over five years to the Canada Border Services Agency to hire up to 1,000 new officers, building on the $1.3-billion border plan announced in December. These officers will also stop guns and drugs from coming into our country. All this investment is in addition to a number of strong pieces of legislation making their way through the House, which include Bill , Bill and Bill .
Budget 2025 also has an important focus on seniors. For seniors, elderly benefits will reach over $83 billion in 2025-26, supporting 7.5 million Canadians. We are also launching a national anti-fraud strategy. In 2024 alone, Canadians lost $643 million to fraud, nearly a 300% increase since 2020. We continue supporting the new horizons for seniors program, which is a lifeline for many seniors in my riding and seniors across the country. Finally, we are introducing a personal support workers tax credit, providing up to $1,100 per year. This is to support the amazing people who take care of our loved ones, because as our loved ones get older, they need a lot more support.
As chair of the Canada NATO Parliamentary Association, I take our commitments to defence very seriously. Budget 2025 confirms we will reach the NATO 2% target this fiscal year and are on a pathway to meet the 5% defence investment pledge by 2035. This budget provides $81.8 billion over five years to ensure the Canadian Armed Forces have the support and the tools they need. We are also providing $2 billion in 2025-26 for additional military assistance to Ukraine. As our has said, there can be no prosperity without security. I would also add that we must continue to do all we can to ensure the war stops in Ukraine and to help bring a just and lasting peace to the country.
I know there are concerns about the deficit, but we are acting from a position of fiscal strength. We have the lowest net debt-to-GDP ratio in the G7, and the second-lowest deficit-to-GDP ratio. The IMF has validated the approach outlined in our budget, stating that we are using our fiscal space to make generational investments, and that is good. No one likes seeing large deficits, and we are committed to balancing the operating budget by 2028-29.
We are dramatically reducing how much we are spending to run government. Through our comprehensive expenditure review, we are achieving $60 billion in savings over five years, eliminating duplication and using made-in-Canada AI tools. We are spending less on day-to-day operations so we can invest far more in capital investments, in building Canada.
This budget will catalyze $1 trillion in investment over five years from provinces, territories, municipalities, indigenous communities and the private sector. We are investing $51 billion over 10 years through the build communities strong fund for local infrastructure: hospitals, universities, roads, bridges, water systems and transit. The first two phases of nation-building projects are expected to trigger $150 billion in total capital investment. We are also diversifying our trade relationships, working to double our overseas exports within a decade and unlocking $300 billion in new opportunities for Canadian workers and businesses.
Canada has to make itself attractive to the world. Luckily, we are an amazing country. We have the critical minerals, the natural resources, the people and the leadership to do so.
Let me conclude with this. When times are tough, we stand together as Canadians. We look after one another. We invest in ourselves. We do not retreat; we advance. As our said, “To weather the storm of uncertainty, we will not lower our sails. Quite the opposite, we will raise them to catch the winds of economic change, because we believe in Canada.”
I believe in Canada. I believe in my riding of Davenport. I believe in the resilience, the diversity and the determination that make our community and our country great. This is a moment for bold action, a moment to build the future we want for ourselves and for generations to come. Canada has faced challenges before and we have always emerged stronger. Budget 2025 is our plan to do exactly that: building our economy, protecting our communities, empowering our people and ensuring Canada emerges as the strongest economy in the G7.
I am proud of this budget; I am proud to support it, and it is always an honour to represent the people of Davenport.
:
Mr. Speaker, it is always a pleasure to rise in the House to speak on behalf of my constituents in Chilliwack—Hope.
I will be sharing my time with the member for , who is approaching a very important anniversary. She is coming up very soon on nearly 25 years in the chamber. I congratulate her. She is one of my favourite members to hear speak, and I look forward to hearing her after my remarks are done.
The budget implementation act, which is what we are debating today, would implement a budget of broken promises and failures. The government has broken its own word that it gave to Canadians during an election just six months ago.
The said he would keep the deficit at $62 billion, Well, the budget has it at $78 billion, so he broke that promise in less than six months. He promised to lower the debt-to-GDP ratio, but he is raising it and causing inflation by failing to keep that promise.
The promised to spend less, but we see in the budget that he is spending $90 billion more, which equals $5,400 more in inflationary spending per household in the country. It is hard sometimes for Canadians to picture $90 billion, but they understand $5,400. Having that inflationary spending piled onto each household should worry all Canadians.
The promised more investment, but the budget reveals that investment is collapsing. Since the Prime Minister took office, there have been over 48,000 fewer jobs in Canada, and billions of dollars' worth of investment has fled the country.
That is a record of failure, and I have outlined just a number of the broken promises.
The Liberal government is a government of slogans and a government that likes to say that this budget is a generational budget, which is true if we are talking about the impact of the increased debt on future generations. The key thing here for Canadians is to understand that because of the government's profligate spending and its disregard for taxpayer dollars, the government will now spend more on interest payments to bankers and bondholders than it will pay for health care transfers in this country.
The interest is $55 billion, and again that is a number that is hard for Canadians to grasp, because most of them will never have $1 million let alone $1 billion. It is $55 billion given away, spent on interest charges and not on making life more affordable for Canadians or on making health care better.
My province is mismanaged by the government of British Columbia, the B.C. NDP. I will admit that part of the mismanagement is with the provincial government. There are routine closures of emergency wards across the province, and people cannot access emergency medicine for hundreds of kilometres because they do not have adequate doctors, nurses and facilities.
If we tell the people in my province of British Columbia that sending $55 billion to bankers and bondholders is better than spending more on health care, they will laugh in our faces. They will not accept that this is a generational budget. They know that sending away the money that should be going to program spending, just frittering it away on bankers and bondholders, is an inappropriate use of funds. It will continue under the current Liberal government, which makes Justin Trudeau look like a fiscal hawk. It has doubled his deficit.
Right around this time last year, the Liberals did not know who was going to present the economic update, because the finance minister at the time had resigned because she could not in good faith present a budget that presented a deficit about 50% lower than the one just introduced in this budget. The whole government was thrown into turmoil and had to rip the page out of the economic update that had her name on it. It just tabled it in the House without even giving a speech, because she was so concerned that it limited the fiscal manoeuverability of the government to be so irresponsible in the face of the economic changes we keep hearing about.
The Liberal government said one year ago that there needed to be fiscal responsibility. Fast-forward to today, and the money taps are open; it is an open bar. Here we are spending money again, $55 billion in interest payments alone.
That is something that should concern all Canadians, as should the the figures on the national debt. As a continuation of the previous Liberal government, the will add $321.7 billion to the federal debt over the next five years. That is more than twice the $154.4 billion that Justin Trudeau would have added over the same time period.
The Liberals like to talk up the central banker's resume and what a genius he is financially, but he is doubling the burden being left to our kids and grandkids to pay back. They think it is such a master stroke to just spend more money. Why has no one thought of that before? Why do we not just spend more? Why not make it $600 billion? Why not make the deficit $150 billion? It is because they know it has to be paid back through taxes or program cuts, but they do not care.
The Liberals are just trying to get through today. They just want to get through the next four years. They do not care about 40 years down the road, when our children and grandchildren will pick up the tab. That is why we have called the budget a credit card budget. The Liberals are running up the credit card, and they are going to hand the bill to our kids and grandkids, living large for today so someone else can pay the bill tomorrow. It is irresponsible. We would never allow it to happen in our own families.
I know you are a father, Mr. Speaker. Can you imagine buying a Maserati and a huge mansion, living large, taking three or four holidays a year, and then saying to the kids when they reach working age, “Well, kids, Dad's had a good ride. You can pay the bill. Thanks for coming out“? Of course no responsible parent would do that, and no responsible government would look future generations in the eye and tell them they will have to pay tomorrow for what the government does today. That would be irresponsible, and it does not even deliver the results that government members say it does.
The Liberals talk about the Major Projects Office. They keep announcing the winners and losers of the major projects. Instead of creating an environment where all major projects can be approved if they meet the regulations, they say that certain projects do not meet the regulations but that they are going to allow them to go through anyway. They are going to give an exemption to certain projects.
Oh, and by the way, all the projects they are announcing had already been announced six or eight years ago. Many of them are already being built. The Liberals say, “Look at us. What a fantastic number of projects there are.”
I do not even know what the 's portfolio is, as it changes so often; I think it is trade relations with the U.S. right now. In 2018 he stood in the Maritimes and announced that construction would be under way at the Sisson mine. Then he went out again over the last couple of weeks to say, “By the way, the mine I announced in 2018 is on the major projects list. Aren't you proud of us? Look at it investing for future generations.” That is a scam.
The government fails to understand that we do not need it to pick winners and losers but to create a winning environment for investment in the country, for everyone to make their investment choices and make those investments, instead of an environment in which investors are fleeing this country.
I want to talk briefly about more failures of the government. The said that he would have a deal with the United States by July. We are at the middle point of November with no deal, and the U.S. tariffs are twice as high. He said he would have a resolution with China, but there are still tariffs on our canola and on our seafood. There are new tariffs from India on our peas. For our softwood lumber producers, the tariffs have increased threefold, to 45% for softwood lumber producers in my province of British Columbia, with hundreds of layoffs and thousands more jobs hanging in the balance.
The government has failed to deliver for Canadians. It has broken its promises. We will not support the budget nor the budget implementation act.
:
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise on behalf of the right-all-along people of Algonquin—Renfrew—Pembroke.
I would like to begin by congratulating my Liberal colleagues on their resilience. To be able to eat such a huge slice of humble pie and not choke on their own hypocrisy is impressive.
Nearly half the omnibus budget bill is just repealing Trudeau-era policies. For my colleagues across the aisle to have to admit to being wrong about so much without showing a single sign of humility really speaks to the resilience of Liberal arrogance. They admit they were wrong about the consumer carbon tax, the boat tax, the digital services tax, the capital gains tax and more, yet they still swagger into this chamber with the absolute confidence that this time they are right and know what is best for Canada's economy.
Based on the 600-page budget implementation bill, what the thinks best are massive piles of corporate welfare. Here is one example, from page iii of the budget bill: “providing a refundable investment tax credit to qualifying corporations and trusts for investments in certain clean electricity property”.
If any Canadians watching are wondering who the biggest investor in clean electricity is, I will give them a hint: It starts with “Brook” and ends with “field”. Last year, the clean electricity tax credit cost the treasury $22 million. This year, the tax credit will cost $1.5 billion; next year, it will cost $3.8 billion. By 2028, the government projects that it will cost $7.2 billion. That is 328 times what it cost last year for just one tax credit that will mostly flow to one company: Brookfield.
There is more. The budget is giving the Canada Infrastructure Bank $15 billion more. Maybe it is just a coincidence that the Clerk of the Privy Council was the former head of the Infrastructure Bank, but the Liberals are increasing its funding despite its failure to achieve its goal of using public money to attract private investment. We know the bank failed, because the government keeps telling us that it failed. Every Liberal budget has acknowledged the lack of private investment and the damage it is doing to our productivity.
The Infrastructure Bank failed so spectacularly that the Liberals created the Canada Growth Fund, with the identical mandate of using public money to attract private investment. In an act of corporate synergy that would make McKinsey & Company proud, the Brookfield government is leveraging the Canada Growth Fund to catalyze the clean electricity tax fund. In plain, human language, the Liberals are giving companies such as Brookfield cash handouts from the Growth Fund and then allowing the companies to get tax credits for spending the handouts. Companies such as Brookfield will get a shiny new asset to put on their balance sheet and a little spending money on the side. Canadians get a bigger tax bill and higher electricity prices.
I do not need a crystal ball to tell members that this is going to fail to increase economic productivity. It will not leverage, catalyze or spur any private investment; it will destroy private investment. If there were a real business case, it would not need subsidies. This means that any investment it attracts comes at the expense of real opportunities for growth. That is not just a fact; it is a basic physical reality. The Brookfield government can try to ignore reality, but eventually reality will hit it like a freight train.
Unfortunately for anyone who owns property between Quebec City and Toronto, the government plans to hit them with a high-speed train. Justin Trudeau launched the largest expropriation of private property in Canadian history with his gun grab. Now, even that legacy is not safe. Buried in the budget bill is the biggest land grab in a century. Canadians might be shocked to learn that when the bill passes, the high-speed rail line from Quebec City to Toronto will be automatically approved.
The Liberals do not know where the rail line will be built, but it is already approved. If anyone's home is in the way, they will expropriate it. They just need to delete sections 8 through 12 of the Expropriation Act to get it done. In fact, they are so confident in pre-approving the rail line without knowing the actual route that the government is amending the Canada Transportation Act to remove the ability of the government to amend the approval.
I want to remind Canadians that half the bill is the government repealing decisions made by the Liberal government. Now the Liberals want to tie their hands to prevent any future government from correcting this mistake. There is a big difference between cutting red tape and throwing all the tape out the window. If any of this sounds out of character for the tape-happy Liberal Party, we should not worry; they return to form on the next page of the legislation.
Again, with the bill, the entire high-speed rail line would be approved automatically and without an actual route. Then the bill states that the entire rail line would be exempt from the dreaded unconstitutional Impact Assessment Act. However, each segment of the rail line would be subject to the Impact Assessment Act. We can see where this would go, because we have seen it all before. Once the Liberals determined the route, they would begin expropriating the land; then they would find a turtle or a frog on the land. The activists and proud socialists would demand that the Liberals adjust the segment of the line. If it is a Liberal riding, the line would move; if it is a Conservative riding, they would plow through. In the end, the government would have to take some other people's land and those whose land was needlessly expropriated would just have to watch from the sidelines.
For a while now, I have wondered how the government was going to hit the ridiculous target of restoring 30% of Canada's developed lands to nature by 2030. One way would be to cut a straight line through the most developed and expensive lands in Canada, claiming it is for high-speed rail, then killing the entire project by blaming some turtles that are trying to win the Darwin prize.
I said earlier that I do not need a crystal ball; that is because I have a history book. We have seen this all before. In 1972, Pierre Trudeau expropriated farmland in Pickering to build an airport. By 1975, the airport plan was on hold. The government kept the land and, in January of this year, announced that there would be no airport, but the lands would go to Parks Canada to be included in the Rouge National Urban Park. The current bill would make the Pickering land grab look like a picnic.
The budget would give the unnamed rail corporation the power to issue stop work orders on any land it thinks it may need for the rail line. Once the government puts someone's property on the “maybe” list, it would have the first right of refusal for any sale. The rail corporation would have the right to issue stop work orders on any activity on the land, and the corporation would have the right to go onto their property at any time to ensure the work has stopped. In a normal expropriation, people receive a notice of intent, and then they have the option to object and a public hearing is held. Now they would receive the notice and still be able to object, but there would be no hearing. The final decision would be made by the minister behind closed doors.
Some Canadians listening to all this will think it has the makings of a second Pacific railway scandal. That would be delicious irony to fall on the party that gleefully tossed Sir John A. Macdonald down the memory hole, but erasing history has its consequences. If one of those consequences is the Liberals' sleepwalking into another sponsorship-sized scandal, then I am sure Sir John A. is smiling down on us. While I would relish the Liberals' paying a steep price for their arrogance, we also know from history what would happen: They would just walk off into the sunset of a corner office in a fancy law firm or a boardroom. It would be Canadians forced to pay the higher taxes to the bondholders. It would be Canadians forced off their lands during a housing crisis. It would be Canadians who lose the farm their family owned for generations.
When Liberals promise us a generational change, we should hide our wallets and lock our doors. The budget would cut benefits to veterans and students. It would lay off frontline workers. There would be all that plus billions of dollars in new debt for the biggest corporate welfare spending spree in history.
The Mackenzie King government ran up deficits to fight the Nazis. The Harper government ran up deficits to fight the global financial crisis. The Trudeau government ran up deficits to fight a global pandemic. The Brookfield government is running up deficits to reward its wealthy backers. Canadians cannot afford this takeover of their democracy. We need an affordable Conservative government now.
:
Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time with the member for .
Today I rise to talk about my strong support for Bill , the budget implementation act, and to highlight what this legislation means to the hard-working tradespeople who keep Canada moving forward every single day.
The trades are not just jobs; they are the backbone of our economy, the foundation of our infrastructure and the heart of our communities. In a country as large and diverse as Canada, skilled trades workers are essential in every region, from our busiest cities to our most rural coastal towns. That is even more evident in my own riding of South Shore—St. Margarets.
It is our tradespeople who keep our fisheries running, maintain our homes and our public buildings, and build the wharves, the roads, and the bridges that connect us. They support the marine, forestry and housing sectors that anchor our rural economies. From the traditional boatbuilders in Lunenburg, Nova Scotia, to the electricians and carpenters in Bridgewater to the welders and machinists in Liverpool, these workers are essential to our way of life, to everyone's way of life. They are the people residents call when a storm damages a roof, when a community hall needs repairs, when a family business needs an addition or when a vessel must be brought back to life after decades at sea.
As a member of the Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills and Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities, I hear directly from workers, unions, business owners and educators. We hear regularly about the challenges tradespeople face: the cost of living, affordable housing, the cost of modernizing equipment and the importance of practical, hands-on training opportunities to keep pace with new technologies.
Bill as a whole responds to those concerns, not with slogans but with real, tangible, practical measures that will make a meaningful difference for workers and small businesses from coast to coast to coast. Today, I want to highlight five of the most significant measures in this budget and how it supports trades workers and strengthens the industries they power.
The first measure in the budget is the productivity superdeduction. This measure would allow businesses to immediately write off 100% of eligible capital investments. This means that small and medium-sized businesses, especially the shops that form the backbone of our communities, can upgrade their equipment right away without waiting years for depreciation to keep up.
The second measure is the clean electricity investment tax credit. This 15% refundable tax credit would help businesses invest in renewable energy and energy-efficient upgrades. In communities like mine, where the economy is closely tied to the ocean, clean energy investments are not just good for the environment, but reduce operating costs and create new opportunities for trades.
Imagine vessel sheds and processing plants with solar panels. Imagine a small business with a battery storage system that can protect against outages during storms. Imagine community buildings, marinas, workshops and boatyards completing energy-efficient retrofits that cut costs while putting local electricians, installers and energy professionals at work.
The third thing I would like to talk about, and why I am supporting this budget, is the investments in infrastructure and climate resilience. Budget 2025 would accelerate the permitting of major infrastructure projects, something rural and coastal communities are desperately in need of. Faster permitting means less time waiting for more building. Who does not like that? Oh wait, maybe it is those across the aisle. There would be more work for concrete crews, heavy equipment operators, carpenters and marine construction teams. Who does not like that?
This past summer, the town of Mahone Bay became a national model in my riding when it received federal support to build a living shoreline that protects homes, businesses and public spaces from storm surges and erosion. This shows what is possible when different levels of government work together and when trades workers are empowered to bring climate-resilient designs to life.