:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
I'd like to thank you and the committee for this opportunity to discuss developments in Honduras over the past year, the implications of these developments for our bilateral relationship and the region, and Canada's broader role and engagement in the Americas.
I apologize for scheduling conflicts that made it impossible for us to get together earlier this year.
[Translation]
I am joined today, from the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, by Assistant Deputy Minister for Latin America and the Caribbean, Alex Bugailiskis.
[English]
On June 28, 2009, the Honduran military carried out a Supreme Court order to forceably remove from power the democratically elected President of Honduras, Manuel Zelaya. Although political tensions in Honduras had been mounting in the months leading up to this event, I think it's fair to say that few anticipated this dramatic outcome.
Zelaya had taken a number of controversial policy steps during his last year in office, including bringing Honduras into the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas, ALBA, in August 2008, and planning a public consultation on modifying the Honduran constitution in June 2009.
While the stated purpose of this consultation was to gauge public opinion on modernizing the country's constitution, Zelaya's critics, even within his own governing party, charged that his plan was unconstitutional and that his true intention was to begin a process to allow himself to run for re-election, something that is prohibited by the current constitution.
The public consultation was opposed by other branches of government. The president ignored a ruling by the Supreme Court that his efforts were unconstitutional. He also fired the chief of staff of the military for refusing to distribute ballot boxes for the referendum.
In the early hours of June 28, the same day Zelaya's controversial consultation was set to take place, the military forceably removed President Zelaya from power and sent him on an aircraft to Costa Rica. Within hours, the leader of the national assembly, Roberto Micheletti, was sworn in as de facto president of the country.
The international community, including Canada, quickly condemned the coup d'état and called for Zelaya's immediate reinstatement. I issued a statement condemning the coup and called on all parties to show restraint and to seek a peaceful resolution to the situation that respected democratic norms and the rule of law, including the Honduran constitution. I represented Canada during a special session of the OAS general assembly on July 4 last year, at which the OAS members unanimously moved to suspend Honduras from the organization.
[Translation]
Costa Rican President Oscar Arias initially mediated discussions through the summer, tabling a plan known as San José Accord, which aimed to bring about a peaceful, negotiated solution to the crisis. But talks eventually stalled, prompting Zelaya to secretly come back to Honduras on September 21st and take refuge at the Brazilian Embassy.
Throughout the political impasse, the international community, including Canada, worked diligently to resolve the crisis and help Honduras return to democratic and constitutional normalcy. This included two high-level OAS missions to Tegucigalpa (August and October). I participated in both missions and, during the second mission, delivered opening remarks on behalf of the delegation.
[English]
However, despite this concerted effort by Canada and other key players, both the extreme intransigence of the de facto authorities and the actions and rhetoric of President Zelaya prevented a compromise solution, and it could not be reached.
On November 29, five months after the crisis began, Honduras held regularly scheduled general elections. Despite less than ideal conditions, the elections were held in a relatively peaceful and orderly manner and were generally considered to be free and fair by the international community. Porfirio Lobo, of the opposition National Party, emerged the clear winner in those elections.
Since his inauguration on January 27, 2010, President Lobo has taken a number of important steps towards re-establishing democratic order and achieving national reconciliation. He has formed a multi-party unity government that includes presidential candidates from other parties, and he has established a truth and reconciliation commission to determine what led to the coup and what human rights abuses took place during the political crisis. President Lobo has also taken other important steps, including guaranteeing safe passage for Zelaya and his family to the Dominican Republic, and removing members of the military high command most directly linked to the events of June 28.
[Translation]
While members of ALBA and a number of other countries from the region continue to refuse recognition to the Lobo administration, an increasing number of countries are beginning to normalize relations with Honduras.
[English]
Canada is normalizing relations with Honduras, and we believe the international community must move forward. The continued isolation only hurts the most vulnerable in Honduras. We're committed to actively supporting national reconciliation and Honduras' full reintegration into the international community. I personally conveyed this message to President Lobo during a visit to Honduras in February, and on a number of occasions since.
Both President Obama and Mexican President Calderon support the prompt return of Honduras to the inter-American system. Most Central American countries are also actively supporting the Lobo administration and promoting the reintegration of Honduras into the OAS and the Central American Integration System, known by its Spanish acronym, SICA.
Just last week in Peru, OAS members reached a consensus at the OAS general assembly on a way forward on Honduras. Members agreed to create a high-level commission to make recommendations on conditions under which Honduras may return to the OAS. The commission is expected to report by July 30, and we are hopeful that this will help move things forward.
[Translation]
The forcible removal of former President Zelaya created one of the worst political crises in Central America in several years. We were extremely disappointed that the coup could not be reversed, and that President Zelaya was not reinstated before the end of his term. However, on many fronts, Canada's role in Honduras was a considerable success in very difficult and tense circumstances.
There was a very real threat that the situation in Honduras could spiral out of control, leading to serious civil unrest, and a much greater death toll. Neighbouring countries were also concerned that the conflict could destabilize the rest of the Central American sub-region. But the sustained efforts of the regional and international community and the constant call for calm by countries like Canada helped encourage peaceful demonstrations and ensure that both sides continued to dialogue rather than turning to more violent means.
[English]
The Government of Canada was active throughout the Honduran crisis. I was proud to represent Canada at the OAS to participate in both high-level ministerial missions to Tegucigalpa in support of dialogue, and to put my full support behind all efforts to bring about a peaceful negotiated solution to the crisis.
Throughout the crisis, I was also in regular communication with all key interlocutors, including President Zelaya and the de facto leader, Roberto Micheletti, urging them to negotiate in good faith and to bring about a solution that was in the best interests of all Hondurans.
[Translation]
Our efforts in Honduras are a reflection of Canada's commitment to the Americas, and were guided by the three pillars of Canada's strategy for enhanced engagement in the Americas: prosperity, security and democratic governance.
[English]
I think it's noteworthy that today Hondurans from many walks of life who I've met during my trips there comment favourably on Canada's role during the crisis. They describe Canada as having a balanced and positive position that has sought to be constructive at all times.
Canada's role did not go unnoticed by Hondurans. Nor did it go unnoticed by our partners in the region, evidenced by the nomination of a Canadian, former diplomat Michael Kergin, as a commissioner on the truth and reconciliation commission. Canada believes that the commission has an extremely important role to play in assisting Honduras achieve national reconciliation and in allowing Hondurans to regain a sense of confidence in their country's political institutions.
[Translation]
Canada has put its full support behind the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and is funding Mr. Kergin's role on the Commission. It is a significant achievement for a Canadian to be invited to participate on the Commission.
[English]
Our efforts have helped to deal with one of the most challenging political crises in Central America in years--and for that matter in the Americas in years--and our ongoing engagement will help ensure Honduras returns to the inter-American community and achieves national reconciliation.
It is noteworthy that Canada's ongoing free trade negotiations with four Central American countries—Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador and Nicaragua—have restarted and are continuing, thanks to the support of Honduras' neighbours, as I pointed out, including Nicaragua.
Through our efforts in Honduras we have advanced the Canadian objective of enhanced engagement in the Americas; we've strengthened bilateral relations with our partners in the region; and I think it's fair to say we have consolidated our reputation as a constructive multilateral player in the hemisphere. I firmly believe we've demonstrated our leadership and laid the groundwork for positive relations and fruitful engagement in the Americas for years to come.
[Translation]
With that, Mr. Chairman, I would be happy to respond to any questions that the committee may have.
Mr. Minister, thank you for being here this morning. We were looking forward to your visit.
Mr. Minister, the Committee of Relatives of the Disappeared in Honduras has documented 545 human rights violations in the last four months, from February to May. Of those, 12 murders were politically motivated. There were also six executions of journalists, assassination attempts, death threats, mostly against human rights advocates. There are cases of torture, unlawful detention, and so on.
Mr. Minister, you congratulated President Lobo in a statement for starting a process of national reconciliation and for insisting on the importance of, and I quote, “healing the wounds created by the recent political impasse and for Hondurans to regain a sense of trust in their country's democratic institutions.”
I have two questions for you. Actually, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Honduras has no power. Its mandate does nothing else but clarify facts, and that is all that it is doing.
My first question is this: why does the Canadian government provide financial and political support to a so-called truth commission that does not meet the basic criteria established by international organizations to protect the rights to truth, justice and also restitution? How can we expect the truth commission to function when the government grants an amnesty to everyone? That's my first question.
:
That's true, you are right.
[English]
Terrible things have occurred, not only during the period of the de facto government, but which unfortunately continue to occur in a country that is not only the poorest in the region but is one of the most socially precarious and most divided, with a terrible record of impunity, not only with regard to political crimes but for general crimes of violence.
Our support of the truth commission.... If I could just add a little preamble to my answer, from the end of November and the beginning of December after the elections that elected Porfirio Lobo as president were held, we encouraged both the de facto president Micheletti and president-elect Lobo, among others, to move quickly in December, two months before the inauguration, to begin fulfilling the various chapters of the Tegucigalpa-San Jose accord, one of which was the truth and reconciliation commission. President Lobo decided that he would act only upon his inauguration and installation in office as president. Obviously, when that occurred there was the initial two-month time lag. It's taken some time. Only at the beginning of May was the truth commission struck.
Its objectives are to lay out with facts what happened from virtually the election of Manuel Zelaya to his illegal displacement and expulsion through the de facto period up to the elections and the installation of President Lobo. That is admittedly only a first step. By laying out those facts, Canada is also providing material assistance to the new attorney general, who I've met, and who assured me and other ministers of the region that in fact all of these outstanding crimes will be pursued and prosecuted as evidence is made available. Canada is also assisting there in support for the judicial process, from the collection of evidence to the creation and presentation of cases.
We continue to urge. We have issued statements in recent months calling for calm and restraint, and calling for the authorities to prosecute fully all who may be engaged in intimidation or crimes of violence.
Yes. As I mentioned in my opening remarks, not all the member countries of the OAS are prepared quite yet to accept and recognize the new government of President Lobo. Canada understands that reluctance. Those countries, including the ALBA countries, including the countries of Mercosur, want not only the promises that President Lobo has made to address and change, to lay out the facts and truths of what happened, but also to move to achieve reconciliation of a very divided country—a country that remains exceptionally divided. Many of these countries are countries that themselves were traumatized over past decades by military coups. They don't want to see the page simply turn. They don't want the OAS to simply move on now, because there are unresolved issues.
Canada agrees. We think the truth commission is an important first step. I believe the agreement by all OAS members, consensus last week in Lima, Peru, to strike a new mission to go to Tegucigalpa to talk with the new government of Tegucigalpa and civil society, and then to visit the capitals of those countries that have lingering concerns, will provide us with the formula to move forward—sooner, we hope, but certainly within the next few months.
Canada believes that the lifting of the suspension and the reintegration of Honduras is in the best interests of the people of Honduras and will allow the international community to more fully engage in terms of development assistance, human rights oversight and participation, and encouragement of the judicial process to mete out justice.
Once the truth commission renders its findings, although it will be a cold document in the sense that there will not be blame-placing, if it provides information that the government can act upon, they will act.
:
It's a very good question.
Actually, I was there a couple of months ago. Besides holding talks with President Lobo, his foreign minister, and the attorney general, I made a point of visiting two of the larger Canadian mining operations there. They have not taken sides in this. They have stayed on the sidelines, with concern, great concern. I'm very....
The sites I visited reflect the model behaviour—it's fair to say—of Canadian extractive industry representatives of Canadian companies throughout the Americas. They were pristine sites. They were sites that employed thousands of workers and supported thousands more in the two communities surrounding the mines.
In the remediation of the open-pit mine—one of them was an open-pit mine, one was conventional underground—and the environmental operations, the sensitivities were clear. In both of these communities, they've built roads, they've built clinics, and they've built schools.
If they have any concern at all—and I know that one of these companies met with President Lobo's government recently—it is that the central government of Honduras must engage to a greater degree in terms of the communities around the mining operations, not to simply allow, in our case, the Canadian companies to run schools, health care, transportation, infrastructure, and so forth, but for the government itself to engage.
And there is concern among some Canadian companies that when their mines have run their courses, when all of the minerals, whether base metals or gold, are extracted, that when they leave they will be tarred with the accusation that they're leaving communities in disrepair and unsupported. And the concern of these particular mines is that the government must engage and accept the responsibility that this is a.... It's a sustainable operation, but only for a period of time. The mines come, they remediate, they return the earth to its proper state, but then they leave.
So if there is a concern, that is the concern. But I'm quite convinced that they have not engaged in taking political sides in this in the past year.
I'm just looking for the detail of the terms of reference, such as we have them here. The truth and reconciliation commission will not be as short as one would ideally hope. It has a mandate, as I said, to clarify the facts surrounding the period in the years before the coup, what happened in the immediate period of the coup itself, and then in the years since.
We have to recognize that the atmosphere in which the commission is operating continues to be very fractious and that Commissioner Stein is going to have to use all the diplomatic skills in his toolkit to make it work. I think there is enough goodwill to pull things together and to lay out through their various meetings and hearings around the country....
The first working session was from June 4 to 11, just this month--Michael Kergin has just returned--and the target date for completion of its work is January next year.
At the same time, we expect to provide information, as it's relevant to national reconciliation, to the government and the opposition and to civil society at large. With the report that is eventually produced, the OAS has expectations that there will be actions by the government to address those realities.
The OAS itself continues to fund and support engagement in Honduras. As you know, because of its suspended status last November for the elections, we did not formally observe, but our diplomatic folks on the ground from the Department of Foreign Affairs, from the Carter Center, and others were there. There was fairly unanimous support from the international diplomatic community that the elections themselves were relatively free and fair and peaceful. There continues to be serious challenges in the country, and we recognize that.