:
We will be within the 10 minutes allotted. We've divided up our time.
As you're already aware from the briefings you've received from Status of Women Canada and Statistics Canada, significant strides have been made in recent years in improving the low-income situation of women in Canada. The low-income rate among females in Canada has been steadily declining since the 1990s, and that trend is reflected in all provinces.
[Translation]
However, we still have significant challenges in addressing the gender differences in low income rates, particularly as they affect single senior women, single-parent families headed by women, and women with disabilities.
[English]
A number of federal mechanisms specifically address the needs and efforts of low-income women. Setting aside for a minute our discussion of programs for senior women, which Susan will address, I'll highlight five that are particularly important to women.
The child support reforms of 1997 ensure fairer, more predictable support amounts and improvements to the enforcement and tax treatment of child support, and thus help lone parents meet the needs of their children. Justice Canada is responsible for this initiative.
Since 1998, the child tax benefit has included a national child benefit supplement to provide additional monthly benefits to low-income families with children. An important feature of the child tax benefit is that the payment is generally made to mothers, which increases women's control over household resources.
The employment insurance family supplement provides additional help to low-income families claiming benefits by increasing the income replacement rate from 55% to a maximum of 80% of insurable earnings.
Fourth, the Canada Pension Plan disability benefits program is the largest long-term disability insurance program in Canada. It's designed to provide financial assistance to CPP contributors under 65 who are unable to work because of a severe and prolonged disability. Benefits are paid monthly to disabled workers and their dependent children.
Finally, under the proposed universal child care benefit, all families will receive $100 per month for each child under the age of six to help them balance their work and family life. Budget 2006 also announced that $250 million would be set aside next year to support the creation of new flexible child care spaces. These investments are particularly important to low-income women, including female lone parents.
[Translation]
Now, I would like to take a moment to discuss women's caregiving responsibilities and how they affect women's worklives.
[English]
The increased participation of women in the paid workforce, especially women with young children, has been one of the most significant social trends in Canada in the past 25 years. It's not possible to directly assess how the labour force participation rates for women are affected by the availability of non-parental child care alone.
Despite increases in the use of non-parental child care, the provision of care by parents remains the primary arrangement for almost half of families with young children. Many women work part-time or take on non-standard work to accommodate child care or other family responsibilities. This is true in particular for women aged 25 to 44. We also know that one-third of women aged 25 to 44 who were not in the labour force in 2005 cited family responsibilities as a key factor in their absence from the labour force.
We've been doing some work on broader caregiving responsibilities. Women traditionally play the predominant role in caregiving for the elderly. In Canada, this caring role affects a large proportion of the population, as roughly one million Canadian seniors receive formal and informal care for a long-term disability or physical limitation. Research has shown that working women are just as likely to become caregivers as their non-working counterparts, although working women who take on caregiving tasks may reduce their work hours. Providing this care is costly for those who provide it. Less time spent in the labour force may limit women's earnings and therefore the capacity to build up future retirement incomes.
As the Canadian population ages, there are also additional pressures on families to take care of elderly relatives. I know this is an area that the committee may have an interest in, and I want to take a few minutes on this point.
Employment-related costs arise when informal caregivers accommodate their employment to meet caregiving responsibilities by changing work patterns, reducing hours of work, declining promotions, or even quitting. In addition, those with elder care and/or child care responsibilities often find it difficult to balance work and personal lives and often experience stress as a result. The difficulties faced by caregivers in trying to find a work/life balance are also reflected in higher rates of work absenteeism, being unwilling or unable to work extra hours, and indirectly increasing the burden on co-workers.
We know the employment-related consequences of caregiving are not shared equally between men and women. Among men and women aged 45 to 64, almost twice as many women change work patterns to adjust to caregiving demands, and more women reduce their hours of work, compared to men.
[Translation]
That said, some caregivers may shoulder a costly burden, which can affect their income throughout their lives, by reducing their labour force participation, their ability to save for retirement, and their pension contributions. As such, they may be at greater risk of falling into low income than those who did not provide care.
[English]
The federal government has introduced a number of initiatives designed to support the informal caregiving activities of Canadians. The federal tax system allocates an estimated $70 million per year to caregivers via the caregiver tax credit, as well as $6 million via the infirm dependant tax credit. I think the committee may be bringing officials from the Department of Finance to talk more about the tax credits.
Through the employment insurance compassionate care program, workers receive benefits to provide care and support to a gravely ill family member. Other federal initiatives include the Canada Pension Plan general dropout provision, the veterans independence program, and the first nations and Inuit home and community care program.
At this point, I'll turn it back to Susan to talk about seniors.
Let me give you a quick overview on some of the features of our retirement income system.
It's a retirement income system that is recognized worldwide as one of the best. Over the past 25 years, low income among seniors, including female seniors, has been significantly reduced, primarily as a result of the maturation of the Canada Pension Plan. Poverty among seniors aged 65-plus has fallen from a high of 20.8% in 1980 to 6.8% in 2003. It's quite a remarkable achievement.
Nevertheless, the incidents of low income among unattached women remain high. Consequently, a higher proportion of women receive the guaranteed income supplement, or GIS as it's known, along with old age security, OAS, as their main sources of income, compared to men. In 2003, OAS and GIS, the spouse's allowance, comprised 32% of senior women's annual incomes, compared to approximately 17% for senior men.
Of course, men and women have different life course trajectories, which lead to different retirement income needs. Women are also living longer than men, which causes them to fund retirement over longer periods of time. Because of their longevity, senior women are more likely to live alone later in life, potentially assuming overall responsibility for household financial burdens.
[Translation]
Due to increasing numbers of women who participate in the labour force, it is likely that future cohorts of women will be in a better financial position at retirement. However, women will continue to face unique retirement challenges, including greater life expectancy and continuing expectations to provide care, relative to men.
[English]
Turning for a few minutes to the federal programs that support senior women's income security, I'd like to briefly outline some of the features of old age security, the guaranteed income supplement, and the Canada Pension Plan.
Old age security is a residence-based pension program based on age and years of residence in Canada. It effectively recognizes the contribution made by seniors to society, regardless of whether they were doing paid or unpaid work.
Additional benefits that specifically target low-income seniors, the majority of whom are women, include the guaranteed income supplement, which is available to low-income OAS pensioners, and the allowance that is available to low-income spouses, common-law partners, or survivors between the ages of 60 and 65.
I'd also like to outline some of the key elements in the design of the Canada Pension Plan that either generally or specifically target women. The CPP is a contributory-based public pension program that includes the following provisions. It covers workers in all sectors of the economy and it is an important feature for women who tend to work in sectors with low rates of employer-sponsored pension coverage, such as business and personal services. It covers part-time and self-employed workers earning over $3,500 per year, many of whom are women, and it's a portable system, meaning it does not penalize workers who change jobs. It also provides an important provision, a child-rearing dropout provision known as the CRDO. This allows parents to exclude no-earning or low-earning periods associated with the care of a child aged seven and under, effectively increasing the value of a person's benefits. About 94% of persons who claim the CRDO are women.
The CPP also provides a general 15% dropout for periods of low earnings that can be used for periods while one is in school or providing caregiving. It also allows for credit splitting between former partners upon divorce or dissolution of a common-law union, which effectively ensures that CPP credits earned while living together are split equally.
The CPP also allows for pension sharing for spouses or common-law partners who are in receipt of a retirement pension. This allows for income to be shared between the spouses, potentially benefiting the couple for tax purposes.
The CPP also provides a survivors' pension, with women being the vast majority of recipients of this benefit, and a survivors' children's benefit, which is provided to dependent children of a deceased contributor, effectively helping to provide a surviving partner with additional income with which to raise children.
More recently, the Government of Canada increased the guaranteed income supplement for low-income seniors, the first non-inflation adjustment increase made to the GIS since 1984.
The last budget also proposed an increase to the pension income credit, and measures were introduced to provide some funding solvency relief to define the benefit pension plan sponsors under specified circumstances.
At the same time, our department continuously seeks information and best practices from other countries in order to help learn from them about measures that have been undertaken to reduce poverty among senior women. As well, we're continuously examining ways to bring more flexibility into the public pension system to reflect the varied life course trajectories of women.
[Translation]
This concludes our opening remarks.
[English]
We would be delighted to take your questions and to work with you on this very important issue.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair. I have so many questions, I'm not quite sure where to start, but I'll get started and then hopefully come back to some of my other ones.
I have two kinds of questions, one that has to do with younger women, because, for me, income security starts younger. Obviously the reason we have poor seniors is because of what happened earlier--otherwise it might not have happened--and it's why we have such a large number of unattached women, seniors, who are in poverty.
You mentioned earlier the $100. I asked this of the Status of Women earlier: have you done any analysis as to the impact of dropping the young child supplement for children under six and increasing the actual taxation from 15% to 15.5% at that level, and then of course taxing the $100, because the families who are the poorest are the ones who actually end up paying more taxes on that because they're working?
Then of course there's no child care yet, because the child care agreement was cancelled.
So my question is, has there been any analysis done as to the impact of these measures on women, especially women at a certain income level?
:
Good morning, everyone, and thank you for your presentation.
There are a number of things I want to clarify. Earlier, you said that our system is the best in the world. I want to understand a bit better. Compared to all the other industrialized countries, or compared to an equal country, more or less, is our system the best because it is the most generous? What is it about the system?
Furthermore, I understood that poverty among senior women was dropping. How do you assess the poverty line? How many people currently are still not receiving the Guaranteed Income Supplement?
I am asking several questions at once.
Do you think, if we take a long-term approach, for example 20 or 50 years, let's say 20 years, that we can expect a continued drop in poverty, or an increase in poverty? How do you see the future in this regard?
:
As I was saying, the system has three levels. The Canada Pension Plan is the first level, which covers all workers in the system, regardless of where they work. In other countries, that's not necessarily the case; it doesn't seem to cover all parts of the workforce.
The old age pension is something almost no other country has. It's one that doesn't require your having been simply in the paid workforce; it covers unpaid work as well. It's measured on the basis of your contribution to Canadian society. Most other countries find this outstanding. They don't understand how we ever even invented it. It has a significant cost to the government, which pays it every year, and again, it's found in almost no other place in the world.
Many of the benefits we have, which I've already mentioned, like survivors and like the GIS, are paid to women on a vastly disproportionate basis. Again, these kinds of benefits just aren't found anywhere else. In terms of the gender aspect of our programs, most countries find that very surprising.
There are many other points that could be made about how our system is built to spread risk and cost across contributory-based schemes, tax dollars, and investments. Most other countries don't have that kind of diversification in their system so it creates this kind of stability that few other countries in the world actually have and many others wish they did have. In general, that's the reason we consider it to be one of the best.
:
You've also asked about whether poverty amongst older women is dropping. I noted in my opening comments the drop that has taken place over the past few years. The recent measure that was introduced to provide an increase to the GIS will mean that we will make the benefit available to about 50,000 more low-income seniors, and it will reduce the LICO rate, the low-income cut-off rate, for a number of seniors from 6.9% to 6.3% when that increase is fully implemented.
You also asked about how many seniors are not receiving the guaranteed income supplement. There's a bit of a debate about the numbers on that one. You'll have seen different numbers pointed at in different reports. The GIS client base is constantly in flux because clients die, their current client experiences change in income levels or they may leave Canada for other countries, and new clients become eligible. It's hard to estimate, but there was a recent figure, in 2000, provided in the NACA report that estimated it to be.... It's a figure that is not consistent with the Statistics Canada data we have, which estimates these numbers are quite a bit lower, about 206,000.
It's hard to do an accurate assessment of the numbers, as the eligibility is also based on a number of factors, like marital status or periods of residence in Canada. It's difficult to do a precise estimate of the numbers. I can assure you we do the very best we can to reach all potential beneficiaries of the GIS, and we can describe that for you in another round if you wish.
:
I wish I knew the answer to that question in the same detail you'd like to have.
I can't express strongly enough how much effort the government goes to, to reach all these people. Having MPs in the room, I will use this opportunity to ask you to help as well. We try to work with MPs and anybody else we can find to do this.
The good news is the world has changed a lot, certainly technologically, so we have all sorts of new tools we didn't have 10 years ago. It's unfortunate that some of the data we have is still a bit dated. We'll have some new information out as time progresses, so you'll see how much we're able to do.
I'm a huge advocate of getting seniors to fill out their tax returns. We will find them 100 times out of 100, if they fill out a tax return, because we share data with the revenue agency. On top of that, they also get a GST rebate if they're low income, so it's really a winning scenario for them to do it.
We also appreciate, especially on the low-income side, that it's not going to happen in every case. One of the things we work really hard on is to work with provinces to get their social assistance data for people around 64 years of age who might not file a tax return but who are likely on low income as well. Some of them are starting to cooperate with us, and again we'll get automatic data transfers in and I'll be able to find these people. If somebody ever made a CPP contribution, and if at the age of 65 we haven't heard from them yet, we go out to try to find them. Everybody gets a letter with their statement of contributions. It's not just on CPP either. We tell them about all the benefits they may be entitled to.
We have people on the ground across the country who go out to trade fairs, who go out to nursing homes. We try to do anything we can in that regard. One of the new things we're trying to do also is work more with third parties—the Salvation Army, tax planners, funeral directors—for survivors' benefits.
We're looking under every rock we can possibly find, and it's really a question of getting an understanding of why somebody might not want to apply for a benefit they may be entitled to. There is a recent Statistics Canada report that came out—I don't have it with me—that actually went into this a little bit. One of the things they realized was that because the GIS is an income-tested benefit, when people have a very small amount of the benefit—the kind of thing that literally tops out at $2 per month—they decide not to do it.
There are also some logical reasons they'd like not to do it: some provincial governments have programs in which the income from our program is used as a test against their program, and it could result in a loss of a benefit. So there is a conscious decision in some cases by people not to do it.
That's also an area we're working on with provinces, to try to get a better alignment across the benefits.
I, too, have a number of questions.
I'm going to start with young working women first, and I'd like to come back to Ms. Mourani's question.
You talked about the reduced work time when it comes to caregiving and young women actually having less income. We know that women make two-thirds of what men make, and I've come across another statistic that shows that, since 1992, the participation of women in pension plans, company pension plans, has declined. With all these situations, it seems we may have reduced poverty among older women at this point, but we may be looking at a resurgence of poverty in future.
Is there any sense of how that future could play out, given all these problems young women are facing?
I have a couple of other questions on two different areas. The first one is on caregivers and seniors. The previous government had committed a significant sum of money over five years towards the development of an ongoing caregiver agenda. I'm wondering if there is still a plan in place and an agenda for that.
Let me ask my other question before you answer, because I'm aware of the time. We're talking about young women and the implications of financial security for them. We all start out thinking it'll never happen to us, yet life has a funny way of playing tricks.
Are you aware of studies? Are you aware of outreach? Are you aware of education programs that advise young women of the financial realities of working, not working, being married, not being married, or marriage break-up, or all of the things that can happen that affect their ultimate financial security as they reach age 55 or 60? Is there any outreach being done at the moment that you're aware of?
I'll stop with those two questions.
:
Thank you, Chair. Thank you for joining us here this morning for this. I find it a very interesting topic because it affects so many people in my particular riding.
I have a couple of questions that hopefully I can get through in the five minutes we have here. The first question is on this topic of income splitting, which is so in vogue, particularly among representatives of seniors' groups here in Canada. There's the notion that in retirement many of the families, or couples, who are facing retirement right now came through a period of time when they didn't have things like spousal RRSPs and those types of mechanisms to find a way to balance a family income, and find themselves now in retirement with a disproportionate income scenario that ultimately disadvantages the family. And I must say I'm of a mixed mind on this. I've seen both sides of the argument.
I wonder if you could explain this a little bit, particularly as it relates to women in this equation. What would you be prepared to say in terms of how it might advantage or disadvantage women in a retirement scenario, presuming if one were to propose, for example, an income splitting ability for couples in retirement?
:
Yes, prior to retirement, up to the age of 65, if the person is receiving a CPP disability benefit, it's true that the individual's contributory period ends when they start receiving a disability benefit. When they reach the age of 65, that benefit will be automatically converted, through a formula that's in the legislation, to a CPP retirement pension. So if the person does stay on the benefit from whatever age they go on until 65, if that's what happens, they automatically get a converted retirement pension, which is normally a bit lower. However, then they're eligible for OAS and GIS if the combined income is low enough.
We have introduced a number of provisions over the past 10 years to encourage CPP disability beneficiaries to work to their full potential. Obviously they have severe and prolonged disabilities, but they can earn small amounts of money if all they can do is work periodically. For example, they can earn $4,200 in 2006 without having to report that to CPP.
At a certain point of regular employment they need to report to the administration, and we will work with them to see if they're ready to regain regular employment. If they do, they actually have a safety net so that they can return to the benefit very easily if their disability recurs once the benefit has ceased.
So there are more opportunities now for people who are receiving CPP disability to earn; as you say, through earning they can save more towards their retirement, if that's one of their issues.
:
The subject that we are addressing together this morning is so broad that I think we would need an entire day in order to really understand all the issues in each of your respective areas. I must tell you that I would really like to be able to take the time to look with each of you at what you do, and how you do it. I would like you to provide us with detailed explanations. We are getting an overview, and everything is basically being mixed together. But we will try to figure it all out .
The National Advisory Council on Aging tabled a report approximately six to eight months ago in which it seems to say that it does not quite agree with you. You are painting us a bit of a bright picture. Of course, the situation of seniors has improved. They themselves agree. This does not mean that, over the next few years, there will be a major improvement. Yes, young women are studying and working. However, will the Canada Pension Plan be able to meet the needs of non-contributors? This is where the picture gets gloomy. I only want to present a it to you like that.
Furthermore, you have read the report. It highlights a number of gaps with the Guaranteed Income Supplement. First, have these gaps been corrected, particularly with regard to finding seniors who are entitled to the Guaranteed Income Supplement? You and your predecessors had not contacted people who were entitled to the GIS. Are you doing this systematically now, as requested?
Second, with regard to women working for family businesses, the National Advisory Council on Aging said that job insecurity had a significant impact on retirement income. Naturally, that is obvious. This is true for self-employed workers and part-time workers. I want to point out that perhaps 40 per cent of women work for a family business. These women contribute to employment insurance, but they are not entitled to benefits. This is quite curious. So, if I am mistaken, I would like to know where.
Also, if they are not entitled, what do you intend to do? What can we do, we women, to ensure that women are entitled to EI when they work for their husband's company.
Third, the government's withdrawal from healthcare has meant that we have caregivers who currently are entitled to approximately six weeks of EI, if I understand correctly. However, what can you do with six weeks of EI? You cannot tell a cancer patient that they can only be sick for six weeks. Cancer patients may be sick for one year, for two years. So, what are we doing in those cases? Have you taken any steps to help people who are caught in this situation?
Thank you, Madam Chair.
:
My pleasure. Yes, in fact, CPP is a contributory-based scheme. Once you're in the system, you will get your cheques right through to the very end.
GIS is re-evaluated every year. The reason it's re-evaluated every year is that there are conditions of eligibility, the largest one being income. So we have to make sure that you're still within the income ranges we describe.
Marital status will also change it. You get a larger benefit if you're a single individual. So if your spouse or partner has died, we need to know that so we can increase the value of the benefit.
As I also mentioned, residency is important. If somebody has left the country, we don't send those benefits outside of Canada. So that's the reason.
I will also say, as I've said a couple of times, if somebody files their tax return, it is essentially an automated process. We will take care of it all in the background for them as long as they fill out their tax return.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
I'm just going to go back for a bit to the CPP, and I appreciate, Mr. Bloom, you mentioning just how many improvements have taken place with regard to the stability of CPP. I do wonder, though, as we go forward and as the Canada pension fund becomes so large and in fact will have such weight in terms of its ability to purchase securities and other savings instruments to help keep the plan in place, are there provisions to make sure that the sheer size and weight of the CPP is spread in such a way that it doesn't interfere, as you can imagine, with trading?
When we have such a large block--and I think of, for example, teachers funds, and so on, that become a huge player in equity markets. A fund of this size conceivably is going to be one of the largest funds in the world in terms of its ability.... Could you comment on that, on what provisions might be in place?
:
Earlier we were talking about the question with respect to CPP for caregivers and the dropout possibilities. I want to look overall at the depth of poverty of seniors and women who are in the workforce, doing caregiving, and then becoming the poor seniors of tomorrow, which is what we seem to be looking at.
I understand from the data that it shows the number of low-income rates among seniors and women has gone down, but I'm looking more at the depth of poverty, which is a little more than just the income they receive. I know there are a lot of seniors who are not getting GIS but are on the cusp or just above it. By the time you add rent, they're really in a wholly different bracket, because housing is a huge problem and there is a lack of supportive housing if they need assistance.
My question is this. Have you done any studies to measure the depth of poverty of seniors, not only the absolute income they receive when they happen to be above a threshold, or they're not above it and are therefore fine, but in terms of other factors like housing, drug costs, the need for caregiver programs, and so on?
Could you give me an idea of what that picture looks like? I think that's probably a little more realistic than looking at the hard numbers.
:
For what it's worth, I have my own little study. It's all word of mouth and it's not very scientific, but I can tell you about it.
I'm asking about it because I see it out there every day. I only want to get a handle on what that means and what the factors are so we can actually get some data. I know that housing is a factor.
The other thing is this. I was very involved in trying to restructure our pension system so that women are not left completely behind. I didn't succeed, obviously, because it would have happened.
I'm again asking if any analysis has been done, because I know that Finance was doing something. I'm not quite sure if it ever translated to your department, because that's where the policy would be.
I know there's CPP sharing, but it's not compulsory. I was looking at splitting CPP, RRSPs, or any pensions that are assisted or subsidized by government through tax dollars at a time of separation or divorce. It would be compulsory, so that both the man and the woman carry 50% of pension assets, if you like. A stay-at-home mom, who isn't earning an RRSP or a work pension, is especially taking nothing with her. It was one of the things I was working on.
Has any of that kind of work been done in your department?
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Ladies and gentlemen, the economic situation of women or the living conditions of women, who now make up 51% of the population, is extremely important for the future of Canada, the future of the provinces, and the future of Quebec.
You are from social development. Women make up 51% of the population. I imagine that, in each of your respective areas, you have conducted gender analysis of the impact of the policies you promote on the living conditions of women. Has that been done? I'm talking about gender-based analysis. Status of Women Canada does that.
Have each of you, in your respective areas, conducted in-depth analysis of the impact of your policies on living conditions for women? That is what I want to know.
:
Your answer is insufficient. I am, however, certain that you are very much aware of the living conditions of women: you are women. I am convinced, sir, that it rubs off on you, as generally, women talk about it. You have to do more than try. You are holding, in your hands, the fate of caregivers, among others, in addition to the fate of other women.
How can you tell the minister that his policy will have a negative impact on the living conditions of women who are caregivers? How can you do that if you do not have help, if you have not done the analysis? It is not true that mostly men take care of people who are ill and of children. Women who do not work do not accumulate a pension. A woman who stays at home is prevented from accumulating more security for her retirement. Studies show this. So, how can you tell the minister to include six weeks for caregivers or a certain number of weeks for women who stay at home, when you know full well that you have not done any gender analysis and that, as a result, you have nothing to go on, first of all, and secondly, when you know full well that the woman will have less income than a man at retirement and that she will potentially live in poverty?
My tone of voice is firm. I do not want to quarrel with you, I am simply establishing the facts. Madam Deputy Minister, what authority do you have if gender analysis is not done?
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
I regret that I wasn't able to be here for the first part of the meeting as a result of a competing responsibility.
Let me turn to an issue. If you've discussed it, then don't answer the question, and if it's outside the ambit of your own concerns, you can tell me.
While I was the Minister of Justice, I was particularly concerned about the absence of a comprehensive and sustainable legal aid program. At the last annual meeting of federal, provincial, and territorial ministers of justice, there was a unanimous recommendation calling on the government of the day--which was subsequently defeated--to enact a comprehensive and sustainable legal aid program. One of the things, of course, that helped prompt this was the disproportionate impact that the absence of such a comprehensive legal aid program has on the poor and disadvantaged, including its impact on women and custody cases, or claimants in income security matters and the like. In fact, it's a whole issue of income securities.
Have you done any studies in your area on the prejudicial impact of the lack of legal aid on income security as it effects women, and senior women in particular?
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
I would like to share some information today that I think is of the utmost importance and that concerns me a great deal. I would like us to discuss it to see what we can do about it.
On Monday, I believe, I learned that the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights has set up a subcommittee that will study solicitation in order to complete work that had apparently been underway for several years. I think that our participation on this subcommittee is of the utmost importance. To my mind, it must not be done without us, the Standing Committee on the Status of Women.
This subcommittee is no longer at the consultation stage, according to what I gathered, but is actually drafting a report that will undoubtedly lead to a bill on solicitation. So I think it is crucial for us to get involved in the subcommittee. I do not know what procedure we could use to do that. I am throwing out the idea to committee members around this table to see what can be done. Moreover, if there is already consensus around the table that we should be involved in the discussions, we need to look at how we might do that.
Should we create our own subcommittee to make an additional contribution? I think it would be unfortunate for there to be overlap. It would be better to get involved on the subcommittee and to work with those members to put out a document with some consensus. That is one of my concerns.